A. D. 1530. jágírs. These they considered as their birth-right; CHAP. I. and they were indignant that so noble a prize, so long enjoyed as an inheritance, should be wrested from them. Though repeatedly defeated in the field, they were still numerous and powerful, ripe for revolt, and ready on the first signal to fly to arms, in what was a personal as well as a national cause. They had also the advantage of possessing a rallying point. The cause of Sultan Mahmud Lodi, the brother and successor of the late Sultan Ibráhím, was still supported by Baban and Bayezid, the old heads of the Afghán nobility; who, though lately driven into the recesses of the eastern provinces and of Behár, were only waiting for a fit opportunity to return, and re-occupy the kingdom from which they had been expelled; and their countryman Shir Khan, one of the ablest men of the age, had already taken up arms in Behár and Bengal, about the close of Báber's reign. relations. Of the princes and states beyond the limits of the Foreign Empire, the King of Bengal was friendly to the Afgháns and had given protection to Sultan Mahmúd Lodi, whose daughter he afterwards married. The Rájpúts, though stunned by their late discomfiture, were powerful still; and, though the kingdom of Málwa at that moment possessed little strength,-being in a state of deplorable confusion from the intestine factions that had long torn it to pieces, and made it a prey to its neighbours, — yet, in Gujrát, Beháder Shah was fast rising into power, had added to his territories on every side, and, from the mere extension of his conquests, was likely soon to come into direct collision with the Emperor of Delhi.* of Huinay At such a crisis, the personal character of the prince Character was a matter of deep importance. If we remove the un. glare of eulogy thrown over the actions of all Asiatic * Abulfazl, in the Akbernáma ; Báber's Memoirs, passim. Tarikh-e Kháfi Khan; Ferishta ; BOOK IV. Sovereigns by the historians who wrote in their own A.D. 1530. time, or in that of their immediate descendants, we Provision for his brothers. Preten sions of Kámrán, who ad vances towards Hindustán, shall find that Humáyun, though a prince of lively parts and elegant accomplishments, brave, and on the whole of a humane temper, was volatile, fond of pleasure, and deficient in those enlarged views so necessary for conducting the affairs of an extensive Empire; as well as in that decision and spirit of command, without which no prince can secure the respect and confidence of his subjects. One of Humayun's first acts was to assign jágírs to be held by his brothers. Kámrán he confirmed in the kingdoms of Kábul and Kandahár, which seem to have been bestowed on him by his father. To Askeri Mírza he allotted the province of Sambhal; and that of Alwar or Mewát to Hindal Mírza. He confirmed his cousin Suleimán Mírza in the government of the little kingdom of Badakhshán. His nobles, and the army, he conciliated, as is usual with Asiatic princes at the commencement of a new reign, by conferring on them titles, khiláts, and other marks of honour, and by munificent largesses. But the want of union among the brothers was not long of showing itself. No sooner did Kámrán, who was at Kábul, hear of his father's death, than, disdaining the ample dominions he had enjoyed under his father, and in the possession of which his brother had consented to confirm him, he consigned Kandahár to Askeri, collected an army, and, in the true spirit of brotherhood among Asiatic princes, marched for Hindustán; under A. D. 1531. pretence of congratulating Humáyun on his accession, but in reality to try the strength of his sword, and to see whether his own good fortune might not raise him to the throne of Delhi itself. Humayun, alarmed at the news of his motions, and harassed by the dangers that surrounded him, despatched an envoy to meet the Mírza, and to announce to him his intention of adding A. H. 938, A. D. 1531. the countries of Pesháwer and Lamghán to the terri- CHAP. L tories which he already enjoyed. But Kámrán's views were too extensive to be satisfied even with that concession. He crossed the Indus; and, having traversed the greater part of the Penjáb, drew near to Lahúr, the capital. Lahúr. There he found that Mír Yúnis Ali, who had been Captures the governor under Báber, was faithful to his trust, and adhered to Humáyun. To have bestowed the time necessary for reducing the capital of the Penjáb by regular military operations, might have been fatal to his enterprise. To gain possession of it without delay therefore, Kámrán resorted to stratagem. Having arranged his plan, he one night affected to be violently offended with Kerácha Beg, one of his chief Amírs, and publicly, in the Derbár, reviled him in the most harsh and unmeasured terms. Next night the Beg fled from the camp with all his followers, and sought refuge in Lahúr. In those days of versatile and unstable allegiance, such a defection had in it nothing uncommon. Mír Yúnis Ali, delighted to have gained a man of so much consequence, went out of the city with an honorary procession to meet and welcome him. He afterwards treated the Beg not merely as a political, but as a personal, friend; gave him constant invitations to partake of the hospitality of his table, and made several social and friendly parties for his amusement. Kerácha Beg coolly watched his time; till, one night, after a convivial entertainment at the Mír's palace, where, in consequence of the lateness of the hour, the soldiers had been allowed to go home to their quarters, he seized his opportunity, perfidiously took his host into custody, got possession of one of the gates, and despatched messengers to Kámrán to announce his success. The Mirza, who had been waiting with much anxiety, no sooner learned the result of the stratagem, than he hastened to the gate with a strong force and entered Lahúr A. D. 1531. BOOK IV. without resistance. Mír Yúnis Ali was then relieved from custody, and Kámrán, who wished to give the whole proceeding the air, not of a conquest, but of an ordinary assumption of the government, apologising to Yúnis Ali for the violence he unwillingly employed, asked him to enter his service, and to retain the office he had held. This the Mír declined, and was allowed to leave the city and to join Humáyun. And occupies the Penjáb. A. H. 938, A. D. 1531 -2. Concessions of Humá yun. After this first success, Kámrán took possession of all the neighbouring provinces; so that, in a short time, the whole of the Penjáb, as far as the Sutlej, acknowledged his authority. Still, however, as if nothing uncommon had occurred, and as if he had been acting all along like a faithful subject, he continued, by his ambassadors, to assure Humáyun of his attachment and fidelity; and; at the same time, petitioned, in the humblest terms, to be allowed to hold the territory of which he had thus become possessed. The Emperor, who, before these transactions were brought to a conclusion, had become involved in troubles and difficulties on every hand, affected to accede cheerfully to a request, which he could not without danger refuse. He signified his assent; and, to save appearances, ascribed his large concessions to the ties of kindred which united them, and the wishes expressed by their late father. After some delay, a firmán was accordingly issued, bestowing on Kámrán the government of Kábul, Kandahár, and the Penjáb; a grant which exalted that prince to the possession of dominions and power nearly equal to his own. Kámrán, who had a turn for poetry, delighted with the success of his schemes of ambition, in the fulness of his joy, addressed several odes to Humáyun, in which he exhausted all the powers of song to express his gratitude. The Emperor, either flattered by his high-flown praises, or to gain time and to confirm him in his pacific dispositions, farther rewarded the royal poet by bestowing A. D. 1531. A. H. 937 -9, .. 1531 2. against Shawal or A. D. 1531, on him, what seems a most imprudent grant, the rich CHAP. I. province of Hissár-Firóza; an acquisition the more acceptable to the Mírza as it lay nearly on the high road between his possessions in the Penjáb and Delhi. Each probably attempted to deceive the other. At all events, a friendship founded on such a basis could be neither sincere nor lasting. These transactions with Kámrán*, which occupied a considerable part of two years, have been recorded in this place, to avoid interrupting the future course of the narrative. Before his relations with Kámrán began to bear a Campaign threatening aspect, Humáyun, about five or six months Kalinjer, after his accession, had set out to besiege the strong A. H. 937. fort of Kalinjer, in Bandélkand†, the possession of Zilkader, which was necessary at once to strengthen his frontier, May or and to open an easier communication between Malwa June. and his dominions on the Jamna and the Ganges. The Raja of Kalinjer was probably in the interest of the Afgháns. When Humáyun had blockaded the fort about a month, and had made some progress in his advances, he was alarmed by the information that Sultan Mahmud Lodi, supported by Biban Khan Jilwáni and Sheikh Bayezíd, the most eminent leaders of the Afgháns, had again invaded the provinces east of the Ganges, had taken Juánpúr, and was overrunning the country in great force. Eager to meet the invaders, he proposed a treaty to the Raja of Kalinjer, who gladly gave a large sum of money to hasten his retreat.‡ Humáyun, on leaving Kalinjer, directed his course And to the to the eastward, crossed the Ganges, and reached the * Akbernáma, f. 35-37.; Kháfi Khan. Some specimens of Kámrán's verses may be found in the Akbernáma, f. 37. †The siege of Kalinjer, according to the Akbernáma, occurred in A. H. 937; according to Ferishta, A. H. 938. As Humayun seems to have left Agra in the last months of 937, had afterwards to march to Akbernáma; Tabakát-i-Akberi, Eastward. |