administration than with the affability of his manners and the apparent pleasure with which he attended their frequent and pompous festivals." As soon as the intelligence of the atrocious murder of Pertinax had reached Antioch, the wishes of Asia invited Niger to assume the Imperial purple and revenge his death. The legions of the eastern frontier embraced his cause; the opulent but unarmed provinces from the frontiers of Ethiopia 23 to the Hadriatic cheerfully submitted to his power; and the kings beyond the Tigris and the Euphrates congratulated his election, and offered him their homage and services. The mind of Niger was not capable of receiving this sudden tide of fortune he flattered himself that his accession would be undisturbed by competition and unstained by civil blood; and whilst he enjoyed the vain pomp of triumph, he neglected to secure the means of victory. Instead of entering into an effectual negotiation with the powerful armies of the West, whose resolution might decide, or at least must balance, the mighty contest; instead of advancing without delay towards Rome and Italy, where his presence was impatiently expected,24 Niger trifled away in the luxury of Antioch those irretrievable moments which were diligently improved by the decisive activity of Severus, 25

Pannonia and Dal

The country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied the space between the Danube and the Hadriatic, was one of the last matia. and most difficult conquests of the Romans. In the defence of national freedom, two hundred thousand of these barbarians had once appeared in the field, alarmed the declining age of Augustus, and exercised the vigilant prudence of Tiberius at the head of the collected force of the empire.26 The Pannonians yielded at length to the arms and institutions of Rome. Their recent subjection, however, the neighbourhood, and even the mixture, of the unconquered tribes, and perhaps the climate, adapted, as it has been observed, to the production of great bodies and slow minds,27 all contributed to pre

22 Herod. 1. ii. [c. 7] p. 68. The Chronicle of John Malala, of Antioch, shows the realous attachment of his countrymen to these festivals, which at once gratified their superstition and their love of pleasure.

23 A king of Thebes, in Egypt, is mentioned in the Augustan History [Spartian. Pescenn. c. 12] as an ally, and, indeed, as a personal friend of Niger. If Spartianus is not, as I strongly suspect, mistaken, he has brought to light a dynasty of tributary princes totally unknown to history.

24 Dion, 1. Ixxiii. [c. 15] p. 1238. Herod. 1. ii. [c. 7, fin.] p. 67. A verse in every one's mouth at that time seems to express the general opinion of the three rivals: Optimus est Niger, [Fuscus, which preserves the quantity-M.] bonus Afer, pessimus Albus. Hist. August. p. 77. [Spartian. Pescenn. c. 8.]

25 Herodian. 1. ii. [c. 8 fin.] p. 71.

23 See an account of that memorable war in Velleius Paterculus, ii. 119, &c., who served in the army of Tiberius.

Such is the reflection of Herodian, 1. ii. [c. 9] p. 74. Will the modern Austrians allow the influence?

serve some remains of their original ferocity, and, under the tame and uniform countenance of Roman provincials, the hardy features of the natives were still to be discerned. Their warlike youth afforded an inexhaustible supply of recruits to the legions stationed on the banks of the Danube, and which, from a perpetual warfare against the Germans and Sarmatians, were deservedly esteemed the best troops in the service.

The Pannonian army was at this time commanded by Septimius Severus, a native of Africa, who, in the gradual ascent of Septimius private honours, had concealed his daring ambition, which Severus was never diverted from its steady course by the allurements of pleasure, the apprehension of danger, or the feelings of humanity.28 On the first news of the murder of Pertinax he assembled his troops, painted in the most lively colours the crime, the insolence, and the weakness of the Prætorian guards, and animated the legions to arms. and to revenge. He concluded (and the peroration was thought extremely eloquent) with promising every soldier about four hundred pounds; an honourable donative, double in value to the infamous bribe with which Julian had purchased the empire.29 The acclamations of the army immediately saluted Severus with emperor by the names of Augustus, Pertinax, and Emperor; and he thus nonian attained the lofty station to which he was invited by con- AD. 193, scious merit and a long train of dreams and omens, the April 13. fruitful offspring either of his superstition or policy. 30

declared

the Pan

legions,

The new candidate for empire saw and improved the peculiar advantage of his situation. His province extended to the Julian Alps, which gave an easy access into Italy; and he remembered the saying of Augustus, That a Pannonian army might in ten days appear in sight of Rome. By a celerity proportioned to Marches the greatness of the occasion, he might reasonably hope to into Italy. revenge Pertinax, punish Julian, and receive the homage of the senate and people as their lawful emperor, before his competitors,

31

In the letter to Albinus already mentioned, Commodus accuses Severus as one of the ambitious generals who censured his conduct and wished to occupy his place. Hist. August. p. 80. [Capitol. Clod. Albin. c. 2.]

Pannonia was too poor to supply such a sum. It was probably promised in the Camp, and paid at Rome, after the victory. In fixing the sum, I have adopted the conjecture of Casaubon. See Hist. August. p. 65. Comment. p. 115. [Spartian. Sever. c. 5.]

Herodian, 1. ii. [c. 11] p. 78. Severus was declared emperor on the banks of the Danube, either at Carnuntum, according to Spartianus (Hist. August. p. 65) [Sever. 1. c.], or else at Sabaria, according to Victor. [Epitom. c. 19.] Mr. Hume, in supposing that the birth and dignity of Severus were too much inferior to the Imperial crown, and that he marched into Italy as general only, has not considered this transaction with his usual accuracy (Essay on the original contract)."

"Velleius Paterculus, 1. ii. c. 111. We must reckon the march from the nearest verge of Pannonia, and extend the sight of the city as far as two hundred miles.

The ruins of Carnuntum are still Altenburg and Petronell; those of Solaria visible near Haimburg, between Deutsch- at Stein am Anger.-S.

levelled the first blow against Pertinax, who was instantly despatched with a multitude of wounds. His head, separated from his body and placed on a lance, was carried in triumph to the Prætorian camp, in the sight of a mournful and indignant people, who lamented the unworthy fate of that excellent prince, and the transient blessings of a reign, the memory of which could serve only to aggravate their approaching misfortunes, 56

56 Dion, 1. lxxiii. [c. 9, 10] p. 1232. August. p. 58. [Capitol. Pertin. c. 11.] pius, viii. 16.

Herodian, 1. ii. [c. 5, fin.] p. 60. Hist
Victor in Epitom. et in Cæsarib. Eutro

CHAPTER V

PUBLIC SALE OF THE EMPIRE TO DIDIUS JULIANUS BY THE PRETORIAN GUARDS CLODIUS ALBINUS IN BRITAIN, PESCENNIUS NIGER IN SYRIA, AND SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS IN PANNONIA, DECLARE AGAINST THE MURDERERS OF PERTINAX - CIVIL WARS AND VICTORY OF SEVERUS OVER HIS THREE RIVALS RELAXATION OF DISCIPLINE - NEW MAXIMS OF GOVERNMENT.

of the mili

of the

THE power of the sword is more sensibly felt in an extensive monarchy than in a small community. It has been calculated by the Proportion ablest politicians, that no state, without being soon ex- tary force hausted, can maintain above the hundredth part of its to the num members in arms and idleness. But although this relative people. proportion may be uniform, the influence of the army over the rest of the society will vary according to the degree of its positive strength. The advantages of military science and discipline cannot be exerted, unless a proper number of soldiers are united into one body, and actuated by one soul. With a handful of men, such an union would be ineffectual; with an unwieldy host it would be impracticable; and the powers of the machine would be alike destroyed by the extreme minuteness or the excessive weight of its springs. To illustrate this observation we need only reflect that there is no superiority of natural strength, artificial weapons, or acquired skill, which could enable one man to keep in constant subjection one hundred of his fellow-creatures : the tyrant of a single town, or a small district, would soon discover that an hundred armed followers were a weak defence against ten thousand peasants or citizens; but an hundred thousand well-disciplined soldiers will command, with despotic sway, ten millions of subjects; and a body of ten or fifteen thousand guards will strike terror into the most numerous populace that ever crowded the streets of an immense capital.

The Prætorian bands, whose licentious fury was the first symptom and cause of the decline of the Roman empire, scarcely The Pratoamounted to the last-mentioned number.' They derived rian guards. their institution from Augustus. That crafty tyrant, sensible Their insti that laws might colour, but that arms alone could maintain,

tution.

They were originally nine or ten thousand men (for Tacitus and Dion are not agreed upon the subject), divided into as many cohorts. Vitellius increased them to sixteen thousand, and, as far as we can learn from inscriptions, they never afterwards nk much below that number. See Lipsius de magnitudine Romana, i. 4.

VOL. I.

R

his usurped dominion, had gradually formed this powerful body of guards, in constant readiness to protect his person, to awe the senate, and either to prevent or to crush the first motions of rebellion. lle distinguished these favoured troops by a double pay and superior privileges; but, as their formidable aspect would at once have alarmed and irritated the Roman people, three cohorts only were stationed in the capital; whilst the remainder was dispersed in the adjacent townS of Italy. But after fifty years of peace and servitude, Tiberius ventured on a decisive measure, which for ever riveted the fetters of his country. Under the fair pretences of relieving Italy from the heavy burden of military quarters, and of introducing a stricter discipline among the guards, ne assembled them at Rome in a permanent camp,3 which was fortified with skilful care,* and placed on a commanding situation."

Their camp.

strength and

2

Such formidable servants are always necessary, but often fatal, tc Their the throne of despotism. By thus introducing the Praconfidence. torian guards as it were into the palace and the senate, the emperors taught them to perceive their own strength, and the weakness of the civil government; to view the vices of their masters with familiar contempt, and to lay aside that reverential awe which distance only and mystery can preserve towards an imaginary power. In the luxurious idleness of an opulent city, their pride was nourished by the sense of their irresistible weight; nor was it possible to conceal from them that the person of the sovereign, the authority of the senate, the public treasure, and the seat of empire, were all in their hands. To divert the Prætorian bands from these dangerous reflections, the firmest and best-established princes were obliged to mix blandishments with commands, rewards with punishments, to flatter their pride, indulge their pleasures, connive at their irregularities, and to purchase their precarious faith by a liberal donative; which, since

2 Sueton. in August. c. 49.

3 Tacit. Annal. iv. 2. Sueton. in Tiber. c. 37. Dion Cassius, 1. lvii. [c. 19] p. 867.

In the civil war between Vitellius and Vespasian, the Prætorian camp was attacked and defended with all the machines used in the siege of the best fortified cities. Tacit. Hist. iii. 84.

Close to the walls of the city, on the broad summit of the Quirinal and Viminal hills. See Nardini, Roma Antica, p. 174. Donatus de Roma Antiqua, p. 46.

The Castra did not stand on these hills, but to the east of them, beyond the agger of Servius Tullius aud between the Porta Viminalis and the Porta Collina. When Aurelian surrounded Rome with a new line of walls, the walls of the Castra formed part of the fortifications of the city; and accordingly, when Constantine

disbanded the Prætorian guards, and diemantled their camp (Zosimus. . 171 three sides of the walls were left staaling, and the side towards the city wae alone pulled down. See Becker, Handbuch der Romischen Alterthümer, vol i pt. 1, p. 199.-S.