was a man of extraordinary genius. On hearing his late master thus characterized, the soldier's eyes glistened with pleasure; and he requested I would do him the favour to drink a glass of his wine, which he had left to look after his horse. I told him I had not yet dined, but that if he would become my guest, I should be happy to see him. He accordingly accompanied me to our apartment. On his recurring to the subject of Bonaparte's character, I thought it my duty to qualify what I had said in commendation of his talents, by remarking, that his ambition was so unbounded, that while his power lasted it was impossible for his neighbours to rest in security. This drew from him a vehement philippic against Talleyrand and the Senate, who, he said, had instigated Napoleon to every mischievous act which he had committed; and, after involving him in difficulties, had basely deserted and betrayed him. "But the seizure of the sceptre of Spain ?"" that was the suggestion of Talleyrand:" "And the expedition to Russia?"was suggested by Talleyrand; and, after all, it only failed in consequence of the premature setting in of the frost. In short, I found that Napoleon could do no wrong; and that, for every error into which he had fallen, and for every crime of which he had been guilty, his minister was made responsible. But, on the contrary, Louis XVIII. could do nothing right. He had falsified, said the plain-spoken soldier, every promise he had made on his accession to the throne. He had accepted a constitution, but had violated every article of it. He had solemnly engaged to continue the constituted authorities as he found them; but he had made the most capricious changes:-he had flattered the army with assurances that he had the most perfect reliance on their support, and yet he 'had sent the Imperial Guard away from Paris:-he had diminished their privileges and appointments, and intended to revive the old establishment of the Gardes Swisses. To say all, in a word, he had given up himself to the guidance of " those rascally priests," whose evil counsel had brought his brother to the scaffold. He was also led into error by the returning emigrés, men who had deserted their country at a period when their services were most needful, and now had the audacity to lay claim to the most distinguished honours. With considerable humour, M. le Capilaine mimicked the air and manner of one of these characters, an oid man of seventy, whom he had lately heard declare his intention of serving under the new régime in a military capacity, under the idea that he could make his marches and even his charges in a cabriolet. He then asked me, what we thought of Louis in England? To which I replied, that he had lived so much in retirement, that little or nothing had been said among us of his habits or proceedings, till the late events had summoned him from his retreat." Je vous comprends," replied he, "il a bien mangé et bien dormi-et voilà de grands préparatifs pour conduire les affaires d'un grand royaume." In short, he was full of grief and bitterness of spirit; and on my suggesting to him the probability of his incurring peril in consequence of his freedom of speech, he said he had no fears on that head, for he spoke the sentiments of thousands, as I should find when I arrived at Paris; which city, he said, was very sad and very discontented. This man had undergone the horrors of the campaigns of Moscow." P. 160. 164. The popularity of Bonaparte in the army was admitted by different persons, as well civil as military, with whom our author conversed: although the opinion appeared to be, that the opposite senti ments of the nation at large would prevail. At the theatre, he made observations similar to his former ones, during the represen-» tation of Voltaire's Merope. At first the majority of the audience carried it decidedly, and had such airs played as denoted considerable enthusiasm for the royal line. Great applause followed the passage "Vous que tant de constance et quinze ans de misère, Font encore plus auguste, et nous rendent plus cher." And the application to Bonaparte was speedily made of the famous passage "La fière ambition, dont il est devoré Est inquiete, ardente, et n'a rien de sacré," &c. &c. But, by degrees, as the piece proceeded, plain symptoms appeared that the feeling evidently belonging to the majority, was far indeed from unanimously that of the audience. The partisans of Bonaparte began to rally, and were strong enough to show themselves; which we believe is always a sure sign either that the preponderance or the vehemence of the majority is not very great. They made their first stand at the celebrated speech of Polifonté. "Un soldat tel que moi peut justement pretendre A gouvener l'etat, quand il l' a sû defendre. There seems at one passage of the piece to have been a kind of compromise between the contending parties, indicative of the un popularity of the chiefs who have changed their sides. "The most bitter sensation," says our author, "was manifested by many people in all quarters of the house on the repetition of a striking. description of time-serving politicians." "Non-la porte est livrée à leur troupe cruelle; Il est environné de la foule infidelle Des mêmes courtisans que j'ai vu autrefois S'empresser à ma suite et ramper sous mes loix." An English mercantile gentleman, who had peculiar opportu nities of observation from the capacity in which he was residing at. Paris, (a deputy from a number of merchants who were desirous of making some commercial arrangements with the government,) confirmed all the author's conclusions respecting the disposition of the army. He had himself witnessed their sulkiness in repeating Vive le Roi after their officers at a review, and the enthusiasm of their cries of "Vive l'Empereur" as soon as they had piled their arms. A similar incident was noticed by Mr. Shepherd himself at a review which he attended. When the general passed along the line, the officers cried "Vive le Roi." But this cry was reechoed by very few of the men, of whom the great majority maintained a sulky silence. It would be a very dangerous delusion for the restored government to discredit the statements of their dangerous rival's popu larity among his ancient companions in arms; and almost equally so to rock themselves into a secure reliance upon their own favour with the people at large. The bulk of mankind, in France especially, are by no means remarkable for constancy in their political attachments; and a just regard for their real interests too frequently yields to some unwise prejudice or capricious feeling. The memory of the conscription will not very long survive its actual burdens; nor will the glories of Napoleon's reign, its foreign triumphs, its domestic magnificence, fail to strike the mind of an ambitious and vainglorious people, before whose eyes are constantly placed the trophies of the one and the monuments of the other. Nothing in politics is more true, than that a small present evil is often sufficiently irksome to make the multitude forget vast benefits which it has been the means of purchasing: and that any attempt to appease them by recounting negative advantages, or the past evils which they have escaped, seldom produces any thing but increase of irritation. The Bourbon princes must keep these lessons of experience in their view while they have to support their very delicate character, and regulate so ticklish a nation as the French. In some most material respects they have serious disadvantages to contend with. Their accession, or restoration, was effected by foreign troops; it followed the humiliation of the French arms, hitherto triumphant beyond example; it has been attended with a permanent diminution of territory and power to the country, not easily to be concealed. They are themselves by no means men of such dazzling talents, in war especially, as to have the smallest chance of making their mighty predecessor forgotten. The illustrious head of the house, in particular, little resembles that bold and active soldier of fortune. It is rather by contrasts that he will remind his people of that brilliant though pestilential meteor.* His Majesty squares as little with Mr Burke's famous sketch of the beau ideal of a restored Bourbon prince: "Whoever claims a right by birth to govern there," says that most profound writer, “must find in his breast, or must conjure up in it, au When discontents recall the past times to the people's vain recollection, it is to be feared that the trophies which have been won will only shine the brighter in the gloom that will now surround them. To despise such discontents would in any princes be the extreme of folly; but in those who are deficient in so many of the means of allaying them, it would be so very insane, that we may almost pronounce it impossible. Rather let us hope that a full use will be made of the means which they do possess-that they will govern equally and mildly-keeping faith with their subjects, and shunning wars, how loudly soever the public voice may call for victory, in the conviction that defeat being in their case most likely, will also prove most ruinous. The English reader will naturally be desirous of knowing what kind of legislative assemblies the French have received as their compensation for all the sufferings of the revolution. The anecdotes of the two Chambers, contained in this volume, are interesting; and show, indeed, the wide difference between those bodies and the English houses of parliament. Something, no doubt, is to be set down to the account of the national character; prone to representation, pomp, and what we term theatrical effect. But more, we fear, is due to defects which time only can cure-the want of experience, the want of materials of which to form parliaments, and of a vigilant public to watch with interest, and yet with jealousy, the proceedings of the legislature.-From some things here related, we should rather think the lower house, or cham ber of deputies, had been formed on the model of the French academy, or National Institute, than of that best exemplar (with all its defects) the English house of commons. The death of each member who happens to die is celebrated by a funeral oration, or éloge.-Such a ceremony must needs, in most cases, become bombastical and ridiculous ;—in almost all it is trifling ;-and in all it is destructive of its own object, by being indiscriminately perform No such absurdity was committed during the revolutionary times. With all their faults, trifling and unmeaning mummery was not their failing;-they had far too much real business on their hands to preach funeral sermons at their sittings. Another absurdity, of the same stamp, is the receiving presents of works from authors and booksellers, and acknowledging them in the journals with formal votes of thanks." I have seen recorded," says Mr energy not to be expected, perhaps not always to be wished for, in well-ordered states. The lawful prince must have, in every thing but crime, the character of an usurper. He is gone, if he imagines himself the quiet possessor of a throne. He is to contend for it as much after an apparent conquest, as before. His task is to win it; he must leave posterity to enjoy and to adorn it. No velvet cushions for him. He is to be always (I speak nearly to the letter) on horse-back. This opinion," adds Mr Burke, "is the result of much patient thinking on the subject, which I conceive no event is likely to alter."-Remarks on the Policy of the Allies. Worka, 8vo. vii. 187.—The. whole passage is well worthy of attention in the present times. Shepherd, "with all gravity, in the procès-verbal of the Corps Legislatif, the presentation of " an Ode on the Restoration of the Bourbons." And the proceedings of August 9th were opened by-" l'homage d'une production destinée à l'instruction de la jeunesse, et intitulée l'Abeille Française, par M. l'Abbé Cordier.” We extracted the account of a visit to the Institute:-the following, to the house of deputies, is a fit pendant to it : ** On our entrance into the great gateway, we were stopped by a mifitary guard; but on our announcing ourselves Englishmen, were permitted to proceed. We then made our way into an anteroom, when a doorkeeper told us we could not be admitted into the gallery without tickets. But on my observing to him, that my friend the baron had informed me that tickets were not necessary, he opened the door, and introduced us into the body of the hall. Here we found two or three members of the Corps Législatif, and about half a dozen ladies. The hall is a very handsome room, in the form of a half oval. It is ornamented with six statues, representing Lycurgus, Solon, Demosthenes, Brutus, Cato, and Cicero. Under the president's chair are two figures in bas-relief of History and Renown. Immediately below are stools appointed for the huissiers. One or two benches, covered with blue leather, are appropriated to such of the king's ministers as may have occasion to attend the assembly. On the entrance of several members, clothed in their full costume, a blue coat ornamented with gold lace, we withdrew into the gallery, the first bench of which was reserved for the ladies. When the president had taken his chair, hẻ gave notice of the commencement of business by ringing a bell. The procès-verbal of the last sitting was read, and the presentation of two or three pamphlets was announced. A member then rose, and walking across the room, ascended the tribune, and read a speech proposing a free import and export of commodities into France, which was received with murmurs of disapprobation. When the orator had finished by a motion, one or two members rose, and waddling across the floor, mounted the rostrum in succession, and said a very few words; after which the question was put, and almost unanimously agreed, that "there was no room to deliberate" upon the proposition which had just been made. The president then proceeded to read the result of several ballots for committees, after which he terminated the sitting. Though this day's proceedings were far from being interesting, there was such a disposition to tumults among the members, that the president was obliged two or three times to reduce them to order, by ringing his bell. The reading the speeches has a very flat effect, and the transit from the benches, and the tribune, must tend to damp a speaker's fire. Many years must elapse before the Corps Législatif of France will emulate the well-regulated activity and promptitude of our house of commons." P. 261-263. We cannot better close this article than by the anecdote relat ed of that stern and honest republican Carnot-a man whose sci |