FEB. 21, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. lation? The State judges would try, the juries convict, right to put their construction on the extent of their and the sheriff inflict forthwith the punishment; and of powers; that the Federal Government will always construe what avail would your writ of error or appellate jurisdic- for itself, and enforce by its authority its own construction. tion be, supposing it to exist, which is not conceded? If Of course, this must necessarily belong to the Federal you persist in this reckless disregard of public opinion, Government. The question, then, would resolve itself your authority in certain sections of the Union will be con- into this-would a small man permit a larger one quietly temned, scouted, scoffed at, and become a reproach and to take a position on his toes, and refuse to push him off, a by-word. Listen to what that able and enlightened ju- merely because the larger one might resent and punish rist, Chief Justice Parsons, laid down upon this subject. him for doing what he had the most unquestionable right "An act of usurpation is not obligatory-it is not law; to do? And here let me remark on the specific differany man may be justified in his resistance to it: let him ence between South Carolina and Georgia nullification. be considered as a criminal by the General Government, In the case just referred to, the Georgian would knock yet his own fellow-citizens alone can convict him—they down the trespasser without notice, and the South Caroare his jury; and if they pronounce him innocent, not all linian would say, my friend, stand off my toes, or I will the powers of Congress can hurt him-and innocent they push you off; none but the coward will submit to the incertainly will pronounce him, if the supposed law which vasion of his personal rights. No one ought to act on he resisted was an act of usurpation." the supposition of danger resulting from what he has a right to do. Sir, one-half of the States of this Union have avowed, and acted on the principle, that the States have rights, There can be no doubt but, in conceding to Congress and the means of enforcing them. Massachusetts, Maine, the power to levy taxes, the objects upon which the New York, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Connecticut, Ohio, taxes are to operate must be selected by that body. In Virginia, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Kentuc-selecting, however, the articles for taxation, the constituky. And the Senator from Maine is entirely mistaken tion again takes care that injustice shall not be done. The in supposing they have always been vanquished in the taxes must be uniform; any design to violate this rule controversy. Sometimes the Federal Government has would be unconstitutional. In fact, the constitution was prevailed, sometimes the States, but generally good sense intended to secure life, liberty, and property; and no legisand mutual forbearance have adjusted the controversy. lative device can be resorted to, to pierce the panoply Considering the situation of Maine at this time, the which that instrument throws over the rights and liberties opinions expressed as well as by that State as by Massa- of the people of this country. It is an entire protection, chusetts on the subject of the Northeastern boundary, I even the heel cannot be wounded; and when it shall cease think the Senator from Maine maintains his consistency to subserve his purpose, our Government henceforth will rather at the expense of public opinion, and the local in-degenerate into a despotism-an irresponsible despotism. terest of his constituents; and there is but one ground upon Upon the expediency and policy of this system the free which I can justify his course. If, by loyalty to the Fede-trade reports, memorials, and arguments of those who ral Government, he can get it to interpose to protect the have preceded me, will save me the trouble of going rights of Maine, it will be better than to let Maine, single much in detail at this time. It has been said that the home handed, struggle for them. market has been improved for agricultural products, through the agency of this system. I have no doubt the free trade policy would greatly increase the demand for most of the agricultural products. And to sustain this position, I quote the following judicious observations: The Senator from Maine thinks, because he stood up for the Federal Government, against State authority, during the late war, that he has a right now to take to himself the same credit for standing forth its champion in profound peace. He tells us the times have changed, and we have changed with them. I contend that it was perfectly right in the gentleman to sustain the Government of the Union during the war; and equally right now to sustain the Government of the States. "The Free Trade System.-Some idea of its advantages over the restrictive, may be seen by comparing the amount imported, when the duties were one hundred cents per gallon on Madeira wine, with the same when the duty was reduced to fifty cents. By the first, the customs received, as per Mr. w By the second, as per Mr. McLane's report $97,000 95,000 Difference, $2,000 $1,900 Under different circumstances different rules of conduct are perfectly defensible, and the gentleman might maintain his consistency of action at the expense of becoming ridiculous. When he is in deep water, we should expect him to use the swimming motion; when on land, we should expect him to stand up and walk. I have seen it stated of a gentleman who fell overboard in a river, that he was so alarm- After deducting charge of collecting, ed at the thoughts of drowning, he continued, after he was safe on shore, to swim. During the war, we were "For this nineteen hundred dollars less at the customstruggling in deep water, and it was all right for the honor- house, the country derive a benefit of about two hundred able Senator to swim then; but now he is upon the terra thousand dollars per annum for there being imported firma, let him escape from the river; let him stand erect nearly double the quantity of wine; the exports, whether upon Maine and State rights. But it is said, if the Gene- in the shape of codfish, flour, or rice, would be that much ral Government has not the power against all opposition greater to pay for it, besides the advantages the navigato support itself, our Union is a rope of sand. This is a tion secured by carrying so much more; and people in mere fallacy; the Government rests, at last, upon the moderate circumstances can afford to drink a glass of good States, and is founded on the supposition that the people wine instead of deleterious trash." will, for their own interest, sustain it. Cannot the States, The Senator from Rhode Island has gone into a calby refusing to act, dissolve the Government? May they culation to show that, upon the supposition that the not refuse elect Senators, electors, and members to the duty increases the price of the article, the cotton-plantother House? Does this make the Government a rope of ing States derive an enormous increase of their prosand? The question is, will the people do what is oppos- fits by the tax of three cents per pound on cotton; and, ed to their own interest? Have they not intelligence and by establishing this acknowledged absurdity, supposes he forecast enough to govern themselves? This is presumed will escape from the argument, so far as regards the duty by the theory of our Government. Is there any danger on cotton goods. The fair way to test this matter is to that the weaker power will resist the stronger one, unless repeal the duty on both. I pledge myself, if the Senator it is clearly right? But it is said that both parties have a will vote to repeal the duty on manufactured cotton goods, SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 21, 1832. I will vote to repeal the duties on raw cotton. It is not we had just escaped from a hazardous war; the manufacpretended that the tax operates as an increase of the price tures to a certain extent sprang up under war duties; of the domestic article, to the whole amount of the tax in Bonaparte had been put down; the whole disposable every instance. But we are told the duties reduce the prices British force had been thrown upon our shores; our capiof the article, and that, in progress of time, we shall be sup. tal had been sacked and burnt; Baltimore assailed; their plied with the domestic fabric at prices below the foreign squadrons fell down the Chesapeake, passed South, article. This does not seem likely to be the result, as ap-threatened Charleston, making only a bow to Fort Moultrie, pears from the following letter, written by an intelligent merchant of Columbia, South Carolina, from New York: NEW YORK, September, 1831. DEAR SIR: I have forwarded you some New York papers, and now discharge what I feel to be a duty, in stating to you the state of this market; this I could do with some accuracy, by saying at once that there is an advance of twenty per cent. in all descriptions of staple goods, such as are indispensable to planters. I will, however, go more into details. Since September, 1830, Nails have advanced Bale roping". Anvils and vices 1 ct. per lb. 14 3 66 66 2 to 3" 20 per ct. 40 66 26 66 12" White lead (25 kegs) 31 cts. per keg Hardware has advanced in price from ten to twenty per cent. All descriptions of domestic goods, such as brown and bleached homespuns, striped homespuns, checks, ticklings, negro clothing, &c., have advanced twenty per cent. in twelve months; and cotton yarns twenty-five per cent. Dufil blankets and coarse woollens, about twenty per cent." attacked New Orleans, were gloriously defeated, and soon after a treaty of peace put an end to the war: cotton rose from seven cents to thirty; and while prosperous be[yond measure, exulting in the arms of peace, and triumphing over the trophies of the war, we consented, upon the pure principles of benevolence, to sustain, by liberal legislation, the manufacturing interest. And this is brought forward against the South as a criminal charge. You asked us then for a pittance as a bounty, because it was given you; now, with a pistol presented at our breast, demand all we have. I believe I speak the truth when I say the average product of the South Carolina planter is not more than six hundred pounds of cotton to the hand; and the Senator from Louisiana, who sits near me, who is good authority on this subject, admits that, with this result, the expenses of such a planting interest must equal the income. Can any one doubt, then, that the duty of forty per cent. might as well be laid upon the exports as imports According to this rule, the Government gets two hundred and forty weight, and the planter three hundred and sixty, of the product of each laborer. And yet the honorable Senator from Kentucky has gone into a calculation to prove Every planter in the Southern country knows that these that South Carolina does not pay an equal portion of the articles have increased in price. The continued assertion, taxes. Assuming the aggregate amount of the imports of by the manufacturers, that the higher the duty, the the whole State to be eight millions, and that our aggrecheaper the article, is just about as true as the proposi-gate expenses equal our income, it would follow, as a tion that, by putting a fish into a tub of water, the weight mathematical certainty, that we pay from three to four is not thereby increased; and the latter would be quite as millions as our portion of the taxes. It is considered by susceptible of proof by learned dissertations on hydrosta- the manufacturers a species of crime, on our part, to own tics, as the other is by pretenders to political and statistical slaves; but I can tell these philanthropists that their infallibility. One thing we all know, that something can-policy makes us cannibals; for it is not at all uncommon not come out of nothing; that we pay, now, nearly with us, for benevolent masters to be forced to sell their thirty milions in taxes, drawn from imports. If the duties slaves to pay for their subsistence; and many planters may are taken off articles not manufactured in the United be said literally to be living on their capital. If the States, one of two things must happen, either that the foreign article, burdened with the duty, will be consumed, or that it will be excluded by the domestic article. If consumed, it proves that the tax increases the price; if not consumed, where will you get your revenue? If domestic fabrics fall below the price of the foreign article, then the tax will prohibit the foreign article, and we shall have no revenue. Sir, this will not be the result; the foreign article will still be imported, consumed, and the people taxed. average product of the cotton planter were as great as the Senator from Kentucky estimated it, I should be less inclined to censure the Government for its exactions. Here Mr. CLAY explained, by saying his position was, that the average of the whole of the cotton-planting States, according to information received by him, he believed to be equal to five bales.] This may be so; I only speak of the product of that part of the country with which I am acquainted, when I say I believe the same does not exceed two bales. The Senator from Ohio seems to think the planter It will be recollected that, two years since, a company can escape from the tax imposed on imports, by selling his was incorporated in South Carolina to make a railroad produce in Liverpool, depositing his money in bank, and from Charleston to Hamburg; and they applied to Congress then selling bills drawn on it. But let me ask, where, in the to assist them. While the result of this application and mean time, are those articles to come from, which, accordthe extent of their means remained uncertain, an intelli-ing to the admission of the Senator from Louisiana, are equal gent capitalist told me that, if the scheme failed, the com- to the proceeds of the sale of the crop? The planter or his pany would realize, in the purchase of manufactured iron, slaves cannot wear money, or eat money; he must import which pays a less duty than the raw material, the sum of the articles, without which his business cannot go on; or one hundred thousand dollars upon the iron purchased for he must bring home his money, and buy at an increased the railroad in Europe, by selling it for common agricultural price those taxed articles from the domestic manufacturer. purposes. With such facts as these before us, who can subscribe to the doctrine that the duty decreases the price? We have on our tables, essays, written to prove that it is all nonsense to take off any of the taxes. Is it not palpable that those who think so, do not pay them, but derive the benefit therefrom? I call the attention of the Senate to a publication furnished by the Senator from Louisiana, as to the comparative results of the sugar planter of Louisiana, and the cotton planter of South Carolina; the one protected, and the other prostrated, by the Government. "The capital invested in a plantation capable of proWhen gentlemen are driven from every position be-ducing, by the best management, 400,000 pounds of suhind which they entrench themselves, they fall back upon gar, and 10,000 gallons of molasses, worth on the plantation vested rights, and tell us it was the South that imposed 23,000 dollars, must consist as follows: this system; they get furious, and say, it was you that have done the mischief. Now, what are the facts? In 1816, 1,500 acres of land, at $50 per acre 90 hands, at $600 each 75,000 54,000 FEB. 21, 1832.1 40 pairs of working oxen, at $50 2 sets of boilers, at $1,500 each 12 carts 2,000 If the West be the country it is represented to be, why is 4,000 it that such an immense sum has been conferred on its in4,000 habitants in the shape. of bounties, in their purchase of 3,000 public land? It appears from evidence I have before me, 25,000 upwards of sixteen millions have been remitted to the pur1,200 chasers of public land. The South has been liberal. 300 When it was prosperous, the tariff of 1816 was conceded by them; when purchasers of public lands said they could 1,500 not comply with their contracts, their purchases have been remitted. When we stand upon our chartered rights, who $170,000 can now upbraid us with a want of patriotism? The time "The annual expenses on the above plantation cost 10,700 has arrived when, if we do not take care of our own housedollars in the following items: 80 ploughs All other utensils, such as timber, wheels, hoes, spades, axes, scythes, &c. Provisions of all kinds Clothing of all sorts Medical attendance and medicine Annual losses in negroes Taxes Horses and oxen Repairs of buildings $10,700 "Two crops of cane are generally made in succession on the same land, one of plant cane, the other of the second year's growth; it then lies fallow two years, or is planted in corn and beans. Gross proceeds hold, we shall be worse than infidels. 3,500 The Senator from Kentucky has told us that cotton plant1,570 ing is the most successful and prosperous labor in the 500 country. I have shown that it is plainly not so in South 1,500 Carolina. And he has alluded to the non-consumption 500 resolutions adopted some two or three years since, on the 1,200 subject of Western live stock. It is true we did feel dis700 satisfied that a people, apparently deriving so great a be300 nefit from our staple, should combine with an alien interest 1,000 to break it down; and these resolutions were resorted to, as well to open the eyes of the people of the Western States, as to make an experiment how far we could fall in with the restrictive system. There is but one of two courses left to oppose the unjust restriction of commerce; either to throw it off, or fall in and make the most of it. A large portion of South Carolina would be benefited by $23,000 excluding Western live stock; but these demonstrations 10,000 against the Western trade, although tending to lessen it, 12,300 were soon found insufficient; voluntary associations to reBeing about 7 per cent. on the capital invested." sist the prohibitory system can scarcely succeed, when I have in my possession accounts of sales of a cotton plan- smuggling will go on against the seyerest penalties. When tation in South Carolina, with about the same capital, and we found the friends of the American system among us the proceeds are less than three thousand dollars! The profiting by our voluntary restrictions, we had nothing left last year with us has been an unfavorable one; but five but to trade with the innocent Kentuckian, who abjured thousand dollars is a fair average estimate of this planta- the tariff, or to trade with the smuggling Carolinian, who tion; by this it will be seen that the gross amount of the was a friend of the tariff. As public sentiment, through cotton planter is not half as much as the expenditure of out South Carolina, seemed opposed to the restrictive the sugar planter, with the same capital, the one making system, in all its forms, free trade has been resumed with a gross amount of $23,000, the other of $5,000; and yet the the West, and is still carried on, I believe, as one of the sugar planter is to be enriched at the expense of the cotton planter, through the agency of the Government. We do not envy the prosperity of other sections, from causes beyond our control; our labor is now unproductive: we ask nothing but the right to use what God and nature has given us; and this is denied us to favor interests vastly more prosperous than we are. Nett proceeds principal sources of the commerce and wealth of that country. Those interested in grazing, and live stock, are thought to exceed far those interested in manufactures, in that region. This will be seen by the following communication, which I doubt not the correctness of: To the Editors of the Kentucky Reporter. Horses, 4,077 CUMBERLAND FORD, Jan. 5. What has been done for the four Southern States, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia? NoDEAR SIR: As heretofore, I send you the amount of thing!-literally, nothing! This is the proscribed region; stock passing this place, on the Wilderness and Turnpike we are made to feel the Government, not by the bounties road, during the year 1831, for markets, which, perhaps, it confers, but the burdens it imposes. It is here that con- some of your many readers may be desirous of knowing, tending parties for political power assail each other, with- to wit: out the least respect to the opinions, interests, or prejudices of the inhabitants of the country. The honorable Senator from Kentucky makes a merit of turning his back. on us. Sir, what have we done to provoke the vengeance of our brethren? Did we not assist to achieve our independence? Did not South Carolina furnish her share of men and money to maintain the cause of the revolution? Did we not stand by our country during the late war? What portion of the funded debt came to the South? What portion of the pensions does she receive? What We have been told that the abolition of the rights of portion of the appropriations for internal improvement? primogeniture was the cause of depression at the South; How much of the public land? Of this we complain not; that we are too poor to live, too proud to work, too honorwe ask nothing but equal laws, and that the Government able to resort to ignoble means, and hence we rush into should not sequester our estates, and divest us of what nullification. The Senator from Kentucky is entirely mislaw fully belongs to us. When we complain of the action of taken in the character of our laws, the habits of the people, your laws upon our industry, we are told to remove to the and causes which urge them on to nullification. We have rich lands in the West. Is this your remedy, that your a law with us which subjects all idlers, strollers from legislation shall drive us into exile? Have you sympathies tavern to tavern, loungers, disorderly persons following for the Indian, which you have not for the white people? no lawful employment, to be taken up for vagrancy; and I SENATE.] The Tariff. [FEB. 21, 1832. The friends of high taxes and the British restrictive system feel the full force of the breach made in the symmetry of their policy by the payment of the national debt. If we were in debt as much as Great Britain, no question would arise about the constitutionality of the tariff. The forcing power could then be applied to any extent. This difference is not sufficiently marked by those who look to the policy of Great Britain as an example to be followed. He says, have known a man deposite his cash in security for his the manufacturing committee thoroughly what it purHe is as severe with the President pro tem. good behavior, as the only alternative left him from be-ports to be. ing sold as a slave to some one who would make him work. as Junius was with the Duke of Grafton; he is not willing It is obvious There is not a more laborious or industrious people in the to admit that he can do right by accident. world than the people of South Carolina; they live by that the American system party want the whole game in work, while others live by their wits. The only portion their own hands; they are not willing to surrender any of our population who are exempted, by courtesy, from thing. working, is the female part. With us, the men support their families by their industry; the fathers and sons save the mothers and sisters from the rays of the sun, or a dependence on strangers. It is said the progress of civilization is marked by the estimate in which the female portion is held in society. Among the savages and barbarians, it is considered degrading for the males to work; they hunt, fish, and engage in war, but the females till the ground, hoe the corn, and make something to subsist on. Prohibitory duties are but parts of one entire wholeFrom the display made of female industry in this debate, I should be inclined to think we were retrograding to a aristocracy, monopoly, debt. The wealth of the few, and state of barbarism. From a letter before me, taking a sin- the poverty of the many, make up the British system; and gle cotton factory as a sample, the whole number of fe- and this is held up to us as an example to follow, by the males employed in the cotton factories is sixty-six thou-American system champions. sand. Where are the men? what are they doing? Why Great reliance, in this debate, is placed on the opinions do they not take the burden of subsistence and protection and reports of Alexander Hamilton. Let us hear what he of those females? If I had it in my power, I would make says of the propriety of adopting the British system: "I believe the British Government forms the it a penal offence for a manufacturer to engage, in his employment, an unmarried female, in the lifetime of best model the world ever produced; and such has been either parent. The little pittance thus made is but a poor its progress, in the minds of many, that this truth gradualequivalent for the hazard and danger to which their health, ly gains ground. This Government has, for its object, peace, virtue, and honor, are exposed. If we cannot public strength and additional security. It is said with us boast of female operatives in manufacturing establishments, to be unattainable. If it was once formed, it would mainwe are not made to blush by the developments of Magda- tain itself. All communities divide themselves into the few and the many. The first are the rich and well born; len societies. The Senator from New Hampshire, in the course of his the other, the mass of the people. The voice of the speech, made a suggestion which it is proper for me to people has been said to be the voice of God; and however notice. It acquires additional importance from the cir- generally this maxim has been quoted and believed, it is cumstance that similar charges are made from what may not true in fact. The people are turbulent; they seldom be considered the ministerial quarters. He says, he hopes judge or determine right. Give, therefore, the first class that no unison of purpose exists between some of those a distinct and permanent share in the Government; they politicians who urge the highest duties, as necessary to the will check the unsteadiness of the second. As they cannot vital interests of the country, and some of those who urge receive any advantage by the change, they, therefore, to a forcible existence of high duties, because they were will ever maintain a good Government.” This is the language of the great Corypheus of the prooppressive. I can assure the Senator, if the insinuation was levelled at me, or those with whom I act, that it has no tective policy. The tariff laws are the foundation, in fact, foundation. I repel the imputation. What double motive of the British system, on which the "the rich and well born" can influence us to hazard the peace of the country unne. will mount and rule the honest yeomanry of this country. cessarily? Have we nothing to lose by revolution and The Senator from Kentucky, in his zeal to bear down civil war? What political preferment awaits us as a com- free trade, with less than his usual magnanimity has aspensation for seeming what we are not? What act have sailed the learned author of the Free Trade memorial. He we done which has shown our attachment to principle is has told him to go home to Europe, and inculcate his prinvacillating or ambidextrous? Show us the anti-tariff mea- ciples. The same causes which made him seek refuge in sure we have opposed, or the anti-tariff man that we have this land of freedom, still operate to keep him here. He turned from and abandoned. has been an American citizen longer than I have; he has Let us see how far the honest men, the patriots, the done his country some little service, and has been ably And let me tell the Senator one judicious tariff men, differ with high pressure tariff men. sustained on this floor. The treasury report on this subject is nearly identical thing--if that individual were a member of this Senate, with the resolutions of the Senator from Kentucky; he would defend himself from the imputations thus heaped it proposes to keep on the duties on all which are called upon him, with the sparkling eye of genius, and the cutthe protected articles. The political compromising party, ting sarcasm of a tongue as skilled in debate as powerful with which the Senator from New Hampshire acts, con- in advocating the cause of truth. I was the more surprised stitutes the head of the tariff column of attack. If there to hear the denunciations of this gentleman, since, at the be a wish to meet on middle ground, let the friends of Free Trade Convention, he was looked upon with some protection advance to the centre; I, for one, will not stickle jealousy for his supposed political partiality to the Senafor a hair-breadth on this question. All we desire is tor from Kentucky. We live in strange times, and seem justice, equality, and uniformity in the regulation of the to be acting the Midsummer Night's Dream--those we woo, tariff, so as to meet the expenditures of the civil list and turn from us; and those who woo, we turn from. just wants of the Government. The gentleman is not backward in retaining foreigners The Senator from Kentucky has animadverted upon the in his ranks. I will not say to Mr. Carey, "Go home." I conduct of the President pro tem., the Senator from Mary-am willing that he may still remain, and shed any light he land, on account of his not constituting the Committee on may possess in favor of the principles he thinks right. In Internal Improvements favorable to increased expenditures the eulogy which the Senator from Kentucky pronounced in that branch. While he censures for this, he does not on the foreign emigrants to this country, he omitted to give the honorable Senator credit for creating the Com- notice the Scotch. This might have been considered acmittee on Finance a manufacturing committee, or making|cidental, but for the thrust he made at the Scotch mer chant in another part of his argument. They are, by some means or other, put down as the friends of free trade, and consequently denounced. Now, the truth is, we have not in the country a more industrious, moral, and worthy class of people than the Scotch. Of those engaged in agriculture, they are temperate, untiring, and intelligent, and, with us, convert to use and subsistence a portion of our lands which would otherwise remain a wild and waste wilderness. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 23. [SENATE The following resolution was submitted by Mr. HOLMES, (and agreed to on the following day :) Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be inlaw, for a more permanent tenure of office for the judges structed to inquire into the expediency of providing, by of the territories of the United States, or for a different mode of appointing them than is now provided. The Senate resumed, as in Committee of the Whole, the bill for the relief of Don Carlos Dehault Delassus, together with the amendment reported thereto by the Committet of Claims; and, after some debate, in which Mr. full extent, and Mr. RUGGLES replied, the bill was, on JOHNSTON advocated the allowance of the claim to its motion of Mr. SMITH, laid on the table. How does it happen that the Scotch merchant comes in for so large a share of the Senator's vengeance against free trade? Is it because his habits, his intelligence, his honesty, and fair dealing elevate him in the commercial world above the surrounding competitors? Is it because the merchant from Old England, and the merchant from New England, flourish not in the vicinity, but are banished, blighted, and withered by Scotch industry, and Scotch sagacity? Or is it because cotton bagging is made in Inverness and Dundee? Sir, no nation stands higher than Scotland for the production of great men, or for the additions which have been made to arts and sciences, or to the improvements of society, moral or intellectual. I will not Mr. MILLER concluded his remarks commenced on detract from the Gaelic character, or irreverently speak Tuesday, (as reported above.) of a people who boast of such countrymen as Bruce, Burns, and Brougham. THE TARIFF. The Senate then resumed the consideration of the resolution submitted by Mr. CLAY, together with Mr. HAYNE'S amendment. Mr. DALLAS then took the floor, and moved an adjournment. FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24. vate bills, and in executive business; after which, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 27. Mr. WEBSTER laid on the table an amendment which, he stated, he had intended to propose to the bill "for the apportionment of representatives among the several should be under consideration; and he also laid on the table States according to the fifth census," when the same THE TARIFF. The resolution of Mr. CLAY being resumed, The Senator from Kentucky has been kind and respectful to South Carolina, while he reprobated her principles, and made war upon her friends. He will pardon me for telling him what the people of that State think of the rival Western candidates for the first honors of the country. They think the Senator from Kentucky is a "whole hog" tariff man, and that General Jackson is not much of a tariff man. Their principles form their associations; and the present ultra notions of the Senator from Kentucky, upon matters of constitutional law and public policy, place an impassable gulf between them and him. We honor him for his eloquence--for his early opposition to federal encroachments-particularly his opposition_to the incorporation of the United States' Bank. We value sundry documents relating to the subject of said bill; and his services during the late war, when he stood forth the ordered that the amendment and documents be printed champion of his country against a bold and talented mino- for the use of the Senate. rity. We are grateful to him, and his associates, for their success in procuring an honorable peace-for his present principles and his present policy, we praise him not. Mr. DALLAS rose. Unaccustomed, said he, to the Among other animadversions upon the temper mani-contests of deliberative bodies, and deeply sensible how fested in the South, the Senator from New Jersey has read little claim I possess to the attention of so experienced a a piece from a Southern paper, headed "A call to arms." council as this Senate, I have shrunk with solicitude, hereUpon being asked for his authority, it turns out to be from tofore, from venturing to participate in its most import..t the Richmond Enquirer. And this is quoted to us in such discussion. a way as to induce a belief that the people were even now Bringing with me to your hall no recollection or prefalling into ranks, to oppose by force the Government; tence of past services for the common good, no ability to and, of course, it could be no other people than the hot-enlighten, and no erudition with which to add to the stores headed nullification party. Sir, the Senator from New of your wisdom, I am painfully assured that personal pruJersey understands the Richmond Enquirer on some points; dence should keep me silent. The force, fervor, and and I am surprised that he should seem disposed to hold brilliancy of the distinguished gentlemen who have prethe South responsible for the belligerent call of Thomas ceded me, rendered doubly effective by the remembrance Ritchie. of their former toils and achievements for the prosperity There was a time when, whatever appeared in that pa- and honor of our country, add peril to the temerity of my per, (one of the most influential and widely circulated undertaking, and I would gladly have escaped the danpapers in the Southern country,) might be considered as ger by avoiding to attract your notice. indicating the temper of the South. That time has gone There are times, however, sir, when selfish apprehenby. We were wont to look upon Richmond as the West sions must be surmounted by the impulses of duty; there are Point-the strong post on our frontier--mounted by the positions which seem not merely to require, but to justify, Enquirer, under whose battery we reposed in safety and individual presumption; and there are some absorbing security. But such is not the case now. While our old questions of general policy which a public agent or remen and women, and little children, rested in safety by presentative must not be allured from confronting, by day, and security by night, in defiance of Southern interest timid suggestions, springing from an honest sense of infeand Southern feelings, the sentinel on the wall, with un-riority. Such times are the present; such a position is equalled perfidy, recrcant and traitorous, turned his fire that of a Senator deputed hither by the commonwealth of upon his own people, and, as far as he could, spread de- Pennsylvania; and such a question is the one involved in solation in his own camp. He is the survivor of Nat Turner, and the confederate of Lundy and Garrison. The Senate adjourned to Thursday, the 23d. the original resolution offered for adoption by the Senator from Kentucky, and the amendment or substitute tendered by the gentleman from South Carolina. |