increased by the imposts; and on the other, a list of products which are in no degree affected by the duties in the statute book. From the one set of examples it is vehemently insisted that imports always enhance the price, and from the other as confidently that they never have that effect. Such reasoners, starting from different premises, and diverging as they progress in their course, can never come at any common conclusion. else. [MARCH 22, 1832. If a father were about to establish his sons in the world, would he not seek that situation, or that employment, which should yield to their industry the greatest amount of these desirable objects? With reference to this subject, therefore, that system of legislation is best which gives to labor the greatest amount of comforts and conveniences. This is a cardinal principle, which should be kept constantly in view-a In order to ascertain whether the tariff laws are bene- polar star to guide our course through this pathless, ficial or injurious, they inquire whether they do or do not boundless, stormy, tumultuous ocean--of the tariff. increase the price of articles, and to this devote all their If a law shall tend to increase the price of articles of energies, as if the answer were decisive of the primary consumption, still, if, in my deliberate judgment, it will question. But the response, if it were given, would not enhance the price of labor, still more, I shall not hesitate be conclusive, because the price about which they dispute to adopt it; while, on the other hand, if it shall diminish is measured by money, that is, the precious metals--no per- the price of that which is to be purchased, but depress, manent standard-but themselves, measured by something in a greater degree, the labor by which they are to be procured, I shall certainly resist it. Why is gold more highly appreciated than iron? Not It has been said, that if the mechanic and farmer were for its comparative utility; not on account of the necessary asked to pay the increase of price, by reason of the duty, and useful purposes to which it can be applied; for if man- separately, they would object. That, sir, depends wholly kind were to be wholly deprived of one of those metals, upon the form of the question. If, when the hatter is they had better, by a thousand times, dispense with the about to purchase a pair of boots, he is asked, are you former than the latter. But it is because both being de- willing to pay fifty cents additional for the duty? he would sirable, the difficulty, the labor of obtaining the one is so doubtless answer, no: but if he were asked, are you much greater than that of procuring the other. If mines willing to pay that amount, if you can thereby obtain a of gold and silver should suddenly be discovered, render-dollar more for the hat which you must, directly or indiing them as abundant, and produced with as little labor as rectly, give in exchange? his answer would be in the iron, they would be even less valuable than that common affirmative. The farmer wishes to procure cloth-he metal. One consequence would be, that a debtor--that takes his wheat or wool to market. Are you willing to is, he who had promised to deliver another a certain quan-pay five cents a yard as duty? No. But suppose you tity of gold or silver, would be able to procure it, and dis- can thereby obtain ten cents more for the quantity of charge his debt, with far less labor than before; while the grain or wool necessary to purchase the yard, will you creditor, whose wealth consisted in the obligations of others then consent? Certainly. So of every other article. The to deliver him these metals, would find himself reduced to true question is, in what manner will the products of his comparative poverty. labor procure most of the commodities which he wishes to obtain in exchange for it? man. The light of day bears no price, has no exchangeable value. Why?--because it is the free, inexhaustible, glorious gift of all-bountiful Heaven, requiring no labor of But let the sun descend below the horizon-let the darkness of night envelop us, and then we are ready to purchase at a price the dim and feeble rays of artificial light, and to pay therefor in proportion to the labor requisite to obtain the oil or other material by which it must be sustained. Labor, then, is the best measure of exchangeable value, and the best standard by which to determine the benefits or the evils of a tariff system: price, in its usual acceptation, having reference to that fallacious standard--money. A course of legislation which diminishes the price of articles may be injurious to the people, while one that increases it may be beneficial; and, on the other hand, a law which diminishes price may benefit, and one which increases it, injure the public. Discussions of the principles of political economy have generally had reference to the body politic as a unit-to one homogeneous community. But the American statesman is ever to bear in mind that ours is not a consolidated empire; that the States are modified sovereignties, with diversified interests and sacred rights. This is one of the elements essential to any correct judgment of a tariff system, and aggravates not a little the inherent difficulties of this most difficult subject. The complaints which we have heard, and still hear, from an important section of the Union, are entitled to the most respectful consideration, and profound attention. Although their pictures of distress may be overcharged with sombre coloring, yet, coming from such sources, we are bound to receive them as evidence, at least, of comparative depression. But when they attribute this exclusively to national legislation, we are to examine and Thus, if you diminish the price of the articles which a inquire whether there may not be some other and more farmer or mechanic wishes to procure, but, at the same efficacious cause. And such, I believe, will be found in time, depress still more the commodities which he has to the character of their laboring population--the existence give in exchange, you injure him; while, if you enhance of slavery. For whenever, in any part of the world, we the price of those things which he purchases, but, by the find this evil, we find the community in which it exists same act, increase still more that of the articles which he comparatively stationary and depressed. Is it not eminentis to give in return, you confer a benefit. ly so with many of the West India islands? South, that their cries of danger and distress have not produced more evident impression upon us of the North. Permit me to suggest one or two reasons for this our apparent want of excitability. It should be known and remembered, that the great It has been matter of surprise with our brethren of the all-pervading article to be given in exchange, is human labor, in its various forms, modifications, fruits, and products. What are the means by which the great body of mechanics, farmers, artisans, and workmen of all kinds, are to procure the necessaries and comforts of life--their One is to be found in their having too often made the labor or its products--the operation and effects of skill institution of slavery a means of combination for political and strength? Let their whole labor cease, and distress, objects against the free States. With that institution, the ruin, destruction, overwhelms them, and the whole com- North have carefully abstained from all interference. They munity, at once. have left it, where the constitution places it, in the exFor what object is labor performed? Is it not to pro-clusive custody of the States where it exists. Upon this cure the comforts and conveniences of life' Money is to be exciting and absorbing subject, they have exercised unidesired only as the means; but that is the paramount end. [form and wonderful forbearance. And yet, notwithstand MARCH 22, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. ing all this, it is believed that when it has been deemed of menace and contumely, should not find immediate expedient to arouse all hearts, and unite all hands, in the favor, and an instant and kind response? Sir, we are men, slave States, for political purposes, the cry has been raised and have the feelings incident to humanity; and, if we do that the North-the North-are attempting to emancipate not speak as loudly, we feel as deeply, and act as firmly, our slaves-are scattering the firebrands of a servile as others. The language of each portion of this Union to war-that massacre and conflagration may sweep over the every other should be that of kindness, conciliation, and land! fraternal regard. By compromise was the Government The tocsin thus sounded, the alarum bells thus rung, formed; by mutual concession only can it be preserved. have had their effect, which the North have felt and There is much danger that a different style of address known to be unjust. The consequence is natural, that may produce too great a reaction. Against such effects I when any outcry is raised upon another topic, they should have sedulously endeavored to guard my own breast, and give somewhat less heed to it at first, than they otherwise have endeavored to divest myself of all influences, but would have done. such as ought to pervade a member of the American Another reason is to be found in the course pursued in Senate, placed here to consult the rights, the interests, relation to this same matter, of the more recent tariff and the permanent happiness of the whole country. laws. After the late war, New England was no favorite Tariff of 1828.-I was opposed to the tariff bill of 1828; with the majority of the nation. Possessing, as it was and, as a member of the other branch, raised my voice supposed, more than her proportion of disposable capital, and gave my vote against it. It came here, was materiand, from the density and character of her population, ally amended, and returned to the House of Representathe most efficient means of carrying on hostilities, she had tives. Still it did not meet my approbation, and I resisted not come forward in the manner which I have thought, its final passage. It prevailed, and became a law. As I and still most sincerely think, she ought to have done, in then said, the question of a repeal, the prostration of a support of the National Government. For this she was system, is a very different one from that of its original undoubtedly in bad odor here; and when the tariff laws enactment. If I had been asked whether I would concame to be revised, her wishes were by no means espe- sent to the laws passed for the erection of this vast and costcially consulted. She had grown rich, as it was supposed, ly edifice, I should have answered in the negative. But by commerce; it was thought best to give new encourage- shall I therefore assent to a proposition to demolish this ment to manufactures; and, if the effect should be to splendid structure, and level it with the dust? diffuse her wealth over other portions of the country, But notwithstanding this difference in the state of the which had devoted their means in a more patriotic manner question, I am decidedly in favor of a modification—a during the last conflict, it was a consequence, at least, not change of the tariff law of 1828. I shall, I trust, have to be deprecated. She raised her voice against the pro- an opportunity to state to what extent, and in what partiposed modifications of the protective system, and up to culars, when it shall be proper to go into detail. the year 1825 she was, upon this subject, in perfect har- In the adjustment of every scheme of legislative promony with the South.* tection, we must have reference to the necessities of the The bill of 1824 was adverse to her wishes, and en-country in war, to the requisites for perfect defence, and countered the decided opposition of her representatives. essential independence: we must have regard also to the It passed. It became the law of the land. It was your original adaptations, capabilities, and advantages of our desire that the course of industry should, in some mea- country, so that the applications of art may be rendered sure, be changed, that a greater amount of capital should most powerful and productive by co-operating with the be invested in manufactures. What was she to do? What effects of nature: we are to keep in view former legisladid she do? Resist? No, sir; she bowed in submission to tion and its effects, and the present condition of the proyour decision, and conformed to the course of national perty, capacity, and industry of our citizens; we are to legislation. She changed the investments of her capital; consult, too, the separate interests, the peculiar views, and she entered upon new paths of labor; she encountered even the prejudices, if such there be, of the several great hazard and sustained severe losses from want of skill States and the different sections of the Union. Of the and experience, in establishing new branches of industry, various pursuits and employments, those are to be chiefly beneficial to the whole country. And now, when the fostered, which conduce, not merely to wealth, but to the first obstacles have been surmounted, and her citizens are preservation and permanency of our republican institutions; about to receive some return for their vast sacrifices and and that which is entitled to precedence of all others is unremitted exertions, they are called upon for another, agriculture, which, as it was the first, so it is the most imand still greater change; their establishments are to be portant of human occupations. Coeval with the creation, rased to their foundations; the sound of the loom and the it will terminate only with the extinction of the human hammer are to cease; new investments are to be made; race. Commencing in the garden of Eden, it was one of new arts acquired; new employments sought. And be the joys of Paradise, continued in the thorny wilderness cause they do not readily assent to such propositions, de- of the world, attendant upon the first curse, to mitigate nunciations, loud and long, are poured upon their devoted and render it supportable: it has been the solace of fallen heads. Passing by the whole West, and quite over the man. It is the employment most congenial to his comgreat States of Pennsylvania and New York--the fathers bined physical, moral, and intellectual constitution, and and fosterers of the present tariff--all their curses, for most conducive to the happiness of individuals and of comthis, to them, accursed thing, seem to be concentrated munities. To free and independent husbandmen we may upon New England. It is against the Northeast--New confidently look for that morality, intelligence, and piety, England alone, that the outcry is raised, and the feelings upon which the hopes of freedom must rest. "Protected of indignation and resentment aroused. Even the gen- by the Divinity they adore, supported by the earth which tleman from South Carolina, [Mr. HAYNE,] in invoking they cultivate, at peace with themselves," they bow to no conciliation and relief to the South, confined his appeal master, and seek no change. to the Middle States. Is it surprising that such complaints, mingled with such injustice, and made not always in a tone of remonstrance or conciliation, but too often in that Mr. WILKINS then submitted the following amendment to the resolution: Strike out all after the word forthwith, and insert the following: "so far reduced, or altogether abolished, as to * In that year, a citizen of New England was elected President; and bring down the amount of the public revenue to a sum opposition to his administration immediately commenced. The speech of Mr. Tyler, of Virginia, is an exception to this re-sufficient to defray the ordinary expenditures of the Government, after the payment of the national debt, as pro mark. SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 22, 1832. posed in the late report of the Secretary of the Treasury, relation to the tariff, it must be done without the very long and without a view to a surplus revenue, or for distribu- delay which the adoption of the resolutions would occation, having such regard as they may deem expedient to sion, unless the session should be extended through the such an ultimate equalization of duties as will render them year. The amendment, by itself, would not effect any efficient for the purposes of their imposition. object which the gentleman had in view. After all, there Mr. WILKINS said it was conceded that the revenue was but one question to be decided--whether we were to must be reduced in consequence of the approaching ex- retain the protective principle or not. Afterwards the tinction of the public debt; and the question was, in what question would arise, on what protected articles a reducmanner the duties should be spread over the various arti- tion could be made. It was difficult to say a priori what cles of imports. He was not willing to concede, in ar- should be the precise reduction of duties on all articles. ranging the duties, the principle of protection. However If we reduce or abolish the duties on unprotected articles, erroneous the legislation of the country may have been, at this session, to the extent of seven millions, and leave which led to the present posture of its industry, he was the protected class of duties untouched till the next session, opposed to the abandonment of that system. He did not we should probably go far enough, though not so far as deem it consistent with public faith to withdraw from he was willing to go. But the adoption of the gentlemanufactures that protection under which they had grown man's proposition would inevitably prevent the possibility up. He was willing, however, to conciliate the interests of effecting any reduction whatever at this session. opposed to this system, and for that purpose he had pre- Mr. C. then asked for the yeas and nays on the pared his amendment, and should offer two resolutions, tion; which were accordingly ordered. which he read as follows: quesMr. HOLMES said he rose to ask of the Senator from Resolved, That the Secretary of State be requested to Pennsylvania [Mr. WILKINS] a further explanation of his report to the Senate the laws and commercial regulations project. He would preserve the protective system unimof foreign countries in relation to duties on imports, and paired, and would still reduce the revenues to the annual the bounties and other regulations for the encouragement income of $13,500,000. Now, if the revenues are to be of exports, which in any manner tend, in their effect and $25,000,000, how, by having the protecting system unoperation, to counteract the duties now imposed by law on their importation into the United States, as far as they may have been received at the department, since the receipt of those published by order of Congress. touched, is he to reduce the income to $13,500,000? The tax on the unprotected articles is $7,000,000 only. Now, seven from twenty-five still leaves eighteen, instead of thirteen and a half. The question then recurs, how does Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be re- he dispose of his four and a half millions? It would seem to quested to report to the Senate the present credits on me, said Mr. H., that, after removing all the duties from duties on imports; and the expediency of providing by the unprotected articles, there would still remain a surplus law for the gradual reduction thereof, to what extent, and of five or six millions over and above the wants of the at what time. Also, to report on the expediency of mak- Government. Where is he to make this deduction? Is ing such alterations in the existing laws, as to provide for he willing to take it from articles which come in comthe assessment of ad valorem duties, according to a valua- petition with our manufactures? Would he take any part tion of imported articles in the port or place of importa- from iron? No. What then? Let us see his plan, if not tion; and, also, to report whether any, or what alterations in detail, at least illustrated by some detail. ought to be made in the law imposing duties on non-enumerated articles of importation, so as effectually to prevent frauds, and the evasion of the payment of the duties. Mr. HAYNE inquired of Mr. WILKINS whether he understood him, correctly, as proposing only to repeal the duties on the unprotected articles, leaving the protected articles untouched. Such would certainly be the effect of his amendment, which touches none but the articles coming into competition with those made or produced in the United States; and how a reduction of the duties on them, amounting, in the whole, to no more than seven millions of dollars, could reduce the revenue to a sum sufficient merely to defray the expenses of Government, was more than he could understand, unless the expenses were to be enormously increased. He seems to think that the further reduction is to be made by "commercial regulations." This I do not understand; commercial regulations are either made with foreign nations by treaties, or against them by a protecting system. Now, what treaty stipulation could afford to the manufacturer an equivalent for a reduction of the protecting duties? We should like better to understand the scheme; for it seems to me that to carry it out in detail, it would bring him to the necessity of withholding about five millions from the protection of manufactures. Now, will the friends of the protecting system concede this? Is Pennsylvania become, all at once, so compromising? I hope the Senator will be a little more explicit. Mr. MARCY said he did not rise to enter into the discussion of the general subject of the tariff, but to explain Mr. WILKINS supposed that the reading of the resolu- his views in giving the vote which he had given, for not tions, with which he proposed to accompany his amend- striking out the resolution of the Senator from Kentucky. ment, would have satisfied the gentleman from South He had voted against striking out, because he did not apCarolina as to the extent of reduction to which he was prove of the amendment proposed by the Senator from willing to go. If, by any change of our commercial re- South Carolina, to be inserted in lieu thereof; but he did gulations, and the present mode of collecting duties, an not intend by the vote he had given to express his appro equivalent could be given to the manufacturer, he would val of the entire resolution of the Senator from Kentucky. be willing to reduce the duties on the tariff articles to that He felt disposed to concur with him in a part of it. So far extent. A beneficial change could also be made in the as it went to remove the duties on non-protected articles, imposts on what are denominated non-enumerated articles; as they had been called, which are objects of common conand, also, in the valuation of imported goods. By assess-sumption-articles which all classes and conditions of our ing the duties in proportion to the value of the goods in citizens are in the habit of using, he was ready and willing the United States, instead of their value at the foreign to give it his support. But the resolution was general in port, a material benefit would result to the American its operations upon non-protected articles; it proposes to manufacturer, and frauds on the revenue would be les- take off the duties on such as are consumed only by the sened. With these changes, he thought some reduction rich and luxurious. He should, therefore, when the of duties might be made on the tariff articles, without amendment of the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. WILoperating to the injury of domestic industry. KINS] should be disposed of, propose an amendment, the effect of which would be to retain a duty, but less than that now imposed, on articles usually denominated luxuries, as Mr. CLAY made some remarks in opposition to the amendment. If any thing was to be done this session, in MARCH 22, 1832.] met. OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. The Tariff. 610 [SENATE. other pursuits connected with them; and he thought no man could venture to look upon the scenes of desolation which would ensue upon the total abandonment of that policy which had caused the present investment of this immense amount of capital, and the direction given to these pursuits. Mr. M. concluded by expressing a hope that no half way measures would be adopted; but that the whole subject would be sent to a committee, a revision of the duties on protected articles would be made, and the admitted im, perfections of the existing laws removed. well as on wines and silks. He was aware, he said, that ern and Middle States are embarked in manufactures, and the duty which he wished to retain on these articles, might not be indispensably necessary for the purpose of revenue, but there were reasons very sufficient to his mind for retaining them. The abolition of all duties on articles of luxury, while, for the purposes of protection, duties were continued on articles which were consumed by the less wealthy and the laboring classes of our citizens, was wrong in principle, and would strengthen the opposition to the policy of protection: it would furnish another ground of attack upon it. to do any thing that would strengthen the hands of those As a friend of protection, he felt unwilling who would destroy it altogether. He would confess, for Maine and Kentucky. He thought it perfectly practicahimself, he felt somewhat alarmed for the safety of the ble to review and arrange the whole system at this sesMr. WILKINS spoke in reply to the Senators from protecting policy, and he thought its friends had much to sion. He wished to have the inquiry made, whether, by do to save it from utter prostration. He thought the Sena- a change in commercial regulations, an equivalent can be tor from Kentucky was mistaken in the extent of the con- afforded to the manufacturers for a reduction of the duties quests the protecting policy had made over the opposition on protected articles. to it. That opposition was extensive and strong; and unless this purpose would be effected by abolishing credits on something was done by the friends of protection to remove duties, and by the adoption of another valuation system: or disarm it, he feared it would ere long prevail. If we but these regulations, as they exist, certainly have an unHe did not pretend to say how far proceed no further than the resolution under consideration favorable bearing upon the protected interests. He would proposes to go, we shall leave more discontent in the coun- not abandon the system, for he considered it as constitutry when we adjourn, than there was when Congress first tional and expedient. But he would yield much for the The resolution proposes partial legislation--it left sake of having the subject settled at once, and forever. untouched the duties on protected articles. tariff required revision, and there was no good reason for ment. not making it at this time. No Senator had spoken on this set on foot by the Treasury Department, which would reThe whole He was not afraid of the delay growing out of his amendsubject, who has not admitted that the present law, laying sult in very important information. It would have a great effect. Inquiries had been duties, is very defective. It has been repeatedly alleged here that it was made by the enemies of the protecting system,and made as bad as it could be, and then forced upon the friends of that system. If this be so, we ought not to shrink from a review of it, for the purpose of removing the acknowledged imperfections, and introducing such improvements as are necessary to preserve protection and appease discontent. He was, he said, opposed to legislating piecemeal on the subject. If the duties on non-protected articles were removed now, the duties on the protected articles, which were the grounds of complaint, would remain unacted on. thing unkind or severe towards the Senator from Pennsyl He was for having the whole subject sent to a committee, vania, [Mr. WILKINS,] but rose merely to ask a further Mr. HOLMES, in reply, said he certainly intended noand he had expected some Senator would have proposed explanation of his scheme, which did appear a little conan amendment to accomplish this end; but finding the fused, and seemed to imply a contradiction. I could not other day, when we were about to pass finally on the reso-perceive, said Mr. H., by what he then said, how the talution, no such modification was proposed, he had prepared riff on protected articles was to be diminished four or five one, which would open the whole subject to the commit- millions, and the protection remain as efficient as it now At the end of the first resolution of the Senator from is. Kentucky (which proposes to abolish forthwith the duty and appears to be more explicit. He would reduce the on non-protected articles, except wines and silks, and to duties on protected articles, but would compensate the The Senator has now gone a little further into detail, reduce it on them) he would add the following: that the duties on articles imported into the United States, ways. First, he would abolish the credit system. Now, similar to such as are made or produced therein, ought to who does not see that prompt pay augments the duty? "And manufacturer to the full amount in one or all of these be so graduated as not to exclude such foreign articles And if it augments it as much as you otherwise reduce it, from coming into competition in our markets with those it comes to the consumer under precisely the same burden made and produced in the United States; but to establish as before. Another device is to change the rule of valuthe competition on such terms as shall give a reasonable ation. encouragement and protection to the manufactures and the same? To compensate the manufacturer for a reducproducts of the United States." Does not the Senator see that the effect of this is tee. unwilling, at a proper time, to assent to the amendments suggested by the Senator from New York. He was perMr. CLAY did not know, he said, that he should be fectly willing, as he had frequently remarked, to look into the protected class of articles--and he did not doubt that such a reduction might there be effected as would satisfy at least the moderate portion of the opponents of the protective system. The amendment of the Senator from Pennsylvania he opposed as hostile, in its effect, to the protective system. Mr. M. said he expected that the friends of protection voice valuation, which you say is too low, and charge the would co-operate with him in opening the whole tariff to article at its real value at the port of importation. And tion of the duty on the foreign article, you reject the inrevision, and feel the necessity of removing objectionable pray, sir, what difference does it make to the consumer parts of it. If left as it now is, it cannot, he said, long with whether he pays twenty per cent. on a yard of cloth vastand the force and body of attack which now assail it, and lued at fifty cents, or ten per cent. on the same article which will be increased if we go no further than the reso- valued at a dollar. The ground of complaint, whether lution under consideration proposes. the policy required its improvement. He feared it could you, in the price of the article, in any way raise the price The preservation of real or imaginary, is that the consumer pays the tax. If not long last as it is now, or as it would be left, if the mea- to the same amount as you reduce it, by reducing the tax, sure proposed by the resolution was adopted. However all must readily perceive that the scheme is entirely visionglowing is the picture of ruin and distress ascribed to the ary. operation of the tariff in one part of the Union, it would turer for his proposed reduction appears not to be definite. not compare with that which will be presented in other He would change the duties on the non-enumerated artiHis other mode of compensation to the manufacparts if all protection should now be at once withdrawn. cles--that is, if I understand him, enumerate them, discriThe fortunes of a great portion of the citizens in the East- minate between them, either by ad valorem or specific VOL. VIII.-39 duties. The effect of this would be trifling, indeed; and deserves some notice. [MARCH 22, 1832. He tells the Senate that, if they repeal the taxes which are now imposed upon articles consumed by the rich only, the tariff policy will become more odious than it now is. Therefore, for the purpose of preserving the American system in good odor with the peoI was not a little amused, however, at the Senator's dis- ple, they must retain the duties upon luxuries, and contisertation on luxuries, but I cannot very well agree in his nue the burdens unnecessarily imposed upon the rich, distinction. Every thing dear, he says, is a luxury--nothing lest the poor, (I beg pardon of the gentleman from Pennthat is cheap. Now I can well perceive that there are sylvania, who has told us that there were no poor in this many luxuries which cost nothing. A refreshing breeze, country,) lest the less wealthy, (to use his phrase,) should a genial sun, brilliant moon and stars, are all luxuries--complain more loudly than they now begin to do of the the opening of spring, indeed, every thing beautiful, is a grievous impositions upon their comforts and necessaries. luxury. To look at a beautiful woman is a luxury; but it The Senator from New York is unwilling, then, to reduce costs nothing. the revenue even to the extent proposed by the Senator from Kentucky. Mr. TAZEWELL said that, in effect, there were three distinct propositions under consideration, and it was neces- That Senator, with his accustomed frankness, told the Sesary to compare these with each other, before any correct nate that the revenue, if reduced to the full extent of his opinion could be formed as to the propriety of adopting scheme, by abolishing all the duties imposed upon all the uneither. It was true that the Senator from New York [Mr. protected articles, would still, he feared, amount to at least MARCY] had not yet presented his scheme in form; but as eighteen millions, three millions more than the treasury he had read his resolutions in his place, and had announced report states to be requisite to satisfy the utmost wants of his purpose of offering them as a substitute for the amend- the Government. But he could not agree to reduce it ment proposed by the Senator from Pennsylvania, [Mr. more at present, because he should then be compelled to WILKINS,] if the latter should be rejected, the Senate diminish the necessary protection required for the support was so compelled to consider this project in deciding upon of his favorite system, which he was not disposed now to the propriety of adopting either of the others. do. The Senator from New York proposes, however, to Comparing these three schemes according to the gram-retain a large portion of even these duties, which both the marian's mode, he would say that that of the Senator from other Senators are willing to abolish, and this with a disPennsylvania was in the positive degree, and was simply tinct knowledge that such a proposition must necessarily bad; that of the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. CLAY] was augment the amount of revenue, and so increase the quanin the comparative, and was worse; and that of the Sena- tum of the surplus "spoil," to be hereafter distributed in tor from New York was in the superlative, and was the some form or other. worst of all. Or, if gentlemen pleased to reverse this Of all the evils, said Mr. T., which in his judgment was comparison, he would say that the New York project was most to be deprecated in this country, was the accumulapositively bad, the Kentucky project comparatively better, tion of surplusses in the treasury. Its effects must be either and that of Pennsylvania was the best of all of them, al- to transform this Government into a monster of wanton and though, for himself, he must say that bad was this best. bloated extravagance, or to generate new feuds and difTherefore, if he was bound to take one of these bitter ferences between the States as to the mode of distributing potions, he should be compelled to take the last as that it. Either result would be equally destructive of the which was the least disagreeable. Union of the States, and the liberties of the people. For All these several plans propose to reduce the amount of one, therefore, he should ever support that scheme of the future revenue of the United States; and the question finance which promised to produce as little as possible was, how much? To this question the Senator from Penn-beyond the actual exigencies of the Government; and, in sylvania answers, to the measure of the ordinary expenses our present condition, the public debt being discharged, he of the Government, so as to leave no surplus in the trea- would prefer even a deficit to an excess of revenue. sury, to become hereafter the subject of scuffle and scram- The striking difference which he had stated was neither ble; and this he announces in the terms of his amendment the sole or the least dissimilitude between the three seveitself without qualification or reserve. The Senator from ral projects he was then examining, said Mr. T. They Kentucky said the same thing in his argument, but he does differ from each other even more in the manner than in the not express it in his resolution; and he qualified the decla- measure of reduction. The Senator from Pennsylvania, ration made by him, by saying afterwards that his scheme while agreeing with the two other Senators, in his deterof reduction would be limited by that protection. Give mination of preserving unimpaired the actual protection him adequate protection for manufactures, and he an- to manufactures, is, nevertheless, willing to commute it for nounced distinctly his perfect willingness to reduce the other equivalents of as much potency, if these shall be amount of the revenue to any point which the most mode- considered as more acceptable. He announces three difrate would propose. To use his own strong language, in ferent plans: the payment in cash of the duties imposed that case, he would not be "outbragged" by any one. upon foreign articles which enter into competition with But adequate protection he must and would retain, even our domestic manufactures; a scheme of warehousing such if the preservation of such protection should bring more imported articles; and a new mode of ascertaining their revenue into the treasury than the ordinary expenses of value by appraisements to be made at the place of importhe Government required. It is obvious, then, that the tation. And he tells the Senate that, whatever of protecexpressed and unqualified proposition of the Senator from Pennsylvania is better than this. So far as they regard the revenue derivable from what are called the duties on unprotected articles, both the Senators from Pennsylvania and Kentucky concur in proposing the total abolition of all these duties, except those imposed on wines and silks. In this respect, then, their schemes are similar. But that of the Senator from New York differs from each of them in this: he, although, in favor of a diin nution of the duties imposed upon some of these unprotected articles, is for retaining all the duties imposed upon others, which he called luxuries. His reason, too, for this, tion the adoption of all or of any of the different schemes may be considered as worth, that amount he is willing to deduct from the amount of the present duties for encouragement. Thus diminishing still more the receipt of surplus revenue, while preserving existing protection; and holding out some other advantages which seem to me to be well worthy of further examination. The Senators from Kentucky and New York, however, are neither of them willing to touch the present system of protection, in any mode whatever. [Here Mr. MARCY_interrupted Mr. T., saying that he was not unwilling to revise the present system of protect |