MARCH 30, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. and read the answer.. Yes, sir, the Southern people are here told that if they will only consent to continue to pay their duties for the benefit of the Northern manufacturers, they shall be permitted to import "alum, and figs, and dates, and nutmegs, capers and corks, frankincense and gamboge, bristles, and horns, and tips," and a hundred other similar articles, duty free. I trust, sir, that this bill will be recommitted. But the Senator from New Jersey has another reason braced in this bill, every class in the community, and every for acting separately on the protected and unprotected ar- section of the country, pay their fair proportion of the tax; ticles. He doubts the constitutional power of the Senate while, on the protected articles, the tax imposed upon the to originate a bill reducing duties, while he has no doubt agricultural States operates as a bounty to the manufac whatever of their right to originate a bill repealing duties; turing States; and, by way of compromise and concession, he thinks, therefore, the Senate may act so far as the un-it is gravely proposed to relieve entirely from taxation protected articles are concerned, but that they cannot act every article on which the tax operates equally upon their in relation to the protected articles. What becomes then different interests, and to transfer the whole burden of of the promise held out to us, that, as soon as information supporting the Government upon those articles, the duties is obtained, the committee will present us a bill to reduce upon which operate as a tax upon one section, and a boun the duties on the protected articles? Does the gentleman ty upon the other. mean to report us an unconstitutional bill, on which, of What a solemn farce, Mr. President, are gentlemen atcourse, we are not to be suffered to act? Sir, the prohi- tempting to play off in the face of an intelligent people. bition in the constitution against the originating of bills for For ten years have the entire South been petitioning, raising revenue in the Senate, either applies to this propo- remonstrating, and protesting against the injustice and inesition to repeal the duties on the unprotected articles, or it quality of a system, which, for the benefit of the manucan have no application to the proposition for reducing facturers, imposes a tax to nearly equal fifty per cent. on duties on the protected articles. The gentleman's consti- every foreign article which they receive in exchange for tutional scruples are most convenient ones; they oppose their productions. They show you, that, for the purpose of no law to taking off duties which affect the manufactures, giving bounties to the manufacturers of sugar and salt, of but come in to his aid when duties are to be taken off iron, and cottons, and woollens, &c. they are taxed to near which operate as bounties to their industry. If there be one-half of the value of all the necessaries and convenienany force in this objection, it would only prove the pro-cies of life which enter into their own conumption, or for priety of the Senate's not acting at all on this subject un-which they exchange their cotton, rice, and tobacco, and til we receive a bill from the other House; for surely if we they call upon you, with one voice, now that the public can only act partially and unjustly, we had better not act debt is about to be paid off, to relieve them from this most at all. But, sir, what are we to think of these objections unjust, unequal, and oppressive system. And what reurged by the chairman of the committee, against our un-dress is it now proposed to give them? Look at this bill, dertaking to act on the protected articles, because on them the duties are only to be reduced, and not entirely abolished, when, in the very bill which he has here report ed, he has introduced several of the protected articles, and has actually proposed to reduce and not to abolish the duties upon them. Here, sir, is a provision that teas, when imported from any places not beyond the Cape of Good Hope, shall pay a duty of ten cents per pound-and all the articles inserted in the bill, when not imported "in ves- Mr. DICKERSON said, there is no justice in the charge sels of the United States," are to be subjected to duties--that the committee have deceived the Senate, or have misso that the whole bill, in point of fact, merely provides for led a single member of it. They were explicit in exthe reduction or abolition of duties in certain cases. Be-pressing their opinions when the reference was made. sides, look at the protected articles inserted in this bill. There is a good reason for separating the articles which Here are "feathers, ox horns, millstones, indigo," and a are to be considered as protected, from those which are number of other articles, which come directly into "com- not. If the whole were reported in one bill, still they petition with similar articles made or produced in the would be in separate sections. By combining them, we United States." How comes it that the duties on these may produce discussions which will only end with the sesare to be taken off? Is it not that they are articles, the son: by separating them, we may act upon both. But duties on which fall heavily upon the manufacturers; and, this attempt to separate these classes of articles does not therefore, the taxes must be taken off? Let the chair-originate with the Committee on Manufactures. Here is man of the committee point out, if he can, why indigo may a report, of last session, from the Committee on Finance, be introduced into this bill, but iron may not. Indigo is a repealing the duties upon nearly all the articles contained production of South Carolina-iron of New Jersey. Thus, in the bill now reported, and many others, with a reduc sir, do all the reasons urged by the chairman, for the tion of duties upon many articles, but not upon the wool. course pursued by the committee, vanish into air. lens, cottons, glass, iron, or sugar. The Committee on But the proposed plan of acting separately, on the pro- Finance have, therefore, lent the weight of their authority tected and unprotected articles, is not more objectionable in drawing this line of distinction. In the bill of the Com. than the mode of action proposed in this bill. The duties mittee on Finance will be found many articles of luxury, on the former articles are to remain substantially as they as cashmere shawls and laces, pearl and mother of pearl, are, while the duties on the latter are to be totally repeal-made free of duty, which are omitted in the bill of the Com. ed. And this, we are told, is merely a just discrimination mittee on Manufactures; but these may be added, should it between these two classes of articles: and who is there, it be deemed expedient. It is said that the duty upon indigo is asked, that denies to Congress the right to discriminate? and crude saltpetre should not be repealed. Indigo may be Yes, sir, the discrimination proposed is, to relieve one class struck from the bill, and cashmere shawls and laces introentirely from taxation, and to levy the whole amount upon duced; crude saltpetre may be struck, and pearl and mother the other; and gentlemen express no little astonishment of pearl introduced. As to the indigo, it rested with the that we do not receive this as a great concession, and ea- gentlemen from the South to say whether it should be subgerly embrace so just and liberal a compromise. The ject to the present duty or not. If either of the Senators point in dispute is, the policy, justice, and constitutionality from South Carolina would move to strike it from the bill, of the protecting system. Against the duties imposed for he believed every member of the committee would vote protection, the South most earnestly protests, while not a in favor of the motion. It was understood from gentlevoice has ever been raised against the duties imposed men from the South, that no attempt to raise indigo would merely for revenue; and it is gravely proposed to settle be made. It was also understood, from the region in the controversy, by repealing all the revenue duties, leav- which crude saltpetre was produced, that there was no wish ing the protecting duties untouched. On the articles em- there that the duty on this article should be continued. SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 30, 1832. If, in these, the committee have been misinformed, the tutional right of the Senate to originate a bill for the recorrective is easily applied. duction of duties. It was a new thing to him that the SeThe doubt expressed in the report, of the power of the nate had not the right to institute such a bill. He was not Senate to originate a bill for regulating the tariff, was not altogether sure that the Senate had not the power to instithe reason offered for not reporting on a great variety of tute a bill to make revenue. But with regard to the scru subjects on which it may be found expedient to reduce ples of the gentleman who had found no difficulty in reand modify the duties; but the difficulty of the task, the porting a bill to repeal duties, he could see no difference time required to perform it, the propriety of waiting for as regarded the principle involved between a bill to rethe information upon the subject which the Secretary of peal and a bill to reduce duties. Mr. S. did not think the Treasury is now collecting. Besides, it was expected the committee had complied with the instructions of the that we should have a bill from the House of Representa- Senate, by making only a partial report on the several tives containing general modifications of the tariff. subjects referred to them. When the subject was last Mr. MILLER said he felt it his duty, as a member of under discussion, and inquiries were made as to the effect the Committee on Manufactures, to say, he had been op- of the reference, he had contended that the committee posed, in the committee, to the report of the bill which would be bound to report according to the terms of the it is moved to refer back to the same committee. He resolution of the Senator from Kentucky; and to obviate would vote for the recommitment, because he thought it that difficulty, which he fully believed was understood on was the sense of the Senate that the various subjects referred all hands, one proposition after another was made and to the committee, together with the resolutions of the Se- adopted, in order that the committee might have all the nator from Kentucky, required to be considered in con- various interests of different sections of the country before nexion with each other; they were intended to embrace them, and not be trammelled by the single proposition of the entire subject of our protective and fiscal policy. the Senator from Kentucky, which it seemed alone they There could be no reason to refer the public lands to the had acted on. He was entirely in favor of a recomm.tCommittee on Manufactures, except its connexion with ment of the bill, and strenuously opposed to acting on the the reduction of duties to the proper standard. He had single subject it presented—a reduction of duties. Let contended, in the committee, that, as the Senate had for that bill but pass, and my word for it, said Mr. S., you will a long time this subject under consideration, and a pro- never be able to get another one for the reduction of dutracted debate had taken place on the resolutions of the ties on the protected articles of importation. Mr. S. Senator from Kentucky, instructing the Committee on Fi- recounted many articles of importation consumed by nance to report specifically what the present bill contains; the poorer classes, not to be found in the bill, though not and as the Senate had, at the very moment, a question manufactured, or only partially so, in the United Stateswhich was about to be taken on this specific propos tion, bombasins, stuff goods, baizes; and he supposed the comreferred the whole subject to the Committee on Manufac-mittee did not propose a repeal of the duties on them, for tures, that it was a virtual and implied instruction to that fear it would interfere with some articles of American macommittee to consider and report on the whole subject,nufacture that might answer as a substitute for them. The so that the whole might be before the Senate at one time, resolution of the Senator from Kentucky proposed a re. in one report. In this he was overruled by a majority of duction of the duties on wines and silks; and he had prothe committee. He still thought that the majority of the posed to the committee a repeal of the duties on wines and Senate had expected, when this matter was referred, that silks brought from beyond the Cape of Good Hope. He the committee would report on the entire subject. He saw nothing of these in the bill; and this was, perhaps, was, himself, in favor of the reference to a select commit- because the cominittee was waiting for the bill from the tee, one not organized to sustain a particular interest, other House, (for we are bound, said he, by the French which was the character of the Committee on Manufac- treaty, to reduce the duty on their wines and silks,) or tures. As this involved conflicting interests, and compre- they were restrained by the constitutional scruples of their hended the most important and delicate questions, he chairman. After taking a financial view of the effects in. thought a committee to whom it should be referred, ought tended by the bill, the small reduction it would make of to be constituted on a different basis from the manufac- the revenue, compared with the amount of reduction that turing committee. He considered this a packed com- ought to follow the payment of the national debt; and the mittee. No one could doubt, from the component partial relief that would be afforded by a repeal of the du materials thereof, what would be its report. It was ties on articles the greater part of which were not of ne. instituted to sustain the manufacturing interests, and he cessary and general consumption, Mr. S. concluded by argued it was an improper committee to have other inte- saying that he never, in the whole course of his parlia rests referred to it. But, as the entire system of policy mentary career, knew a committee to step out of the line comprising protection and finance had been referred, he of their duty, and report so partial a bill, after having regarded this as an implied instruction to the committee been so fully instructed. What, he asked, was the into report upon the whole in connexion; and he considered ducement of the Senators from the new States to vote for that the committee, in returning this partial bill, carrying the reference, but the proposition to consider and report into effect the object of the original instructions of the Se- on the subject of the public lands? The bill leaves us, nator from Kentucky, contrary, as he thought, to the in- said Mr. S., exactly where we were before the refer tent of the majority in this reference, ought not to be ence was made; or, indeed, we might as well, he said, sustained. It was putting the will of the higher and great- have passed the resolution of the Senator from Kentucky, er authority at defiance; it was in contempt of the will of in the first instance, without the subsequent amendments, the majority of the Senate; and it was for them to reform and received from the Committee on Finance a bill similar the error, unless it was meant now to sustain the princi- to the one before us. The chairman of the Committee on ple contained in the original resolutions of the Senator Manufactures had nearly gained one object that he had from Kentucky. He certainly did not understand that this was the object or design of the Senate. The various views taken by the different Senators who took part in the debate on the question of reference, clearly proved that the isolated proposition of the Senator from Kentucky did not accord with their views. Mr. SMITH commented on the scruples of the chairman of the Committee on Manufactures, as to the consti been trying for years to accomplish. The bill exactly an swered his purpose; if passed, it would leave a surplus of ten millions in the treasury, to be divided among the States according to the plan proposed, and so zealously advocat ed by the gentleman some years ago. Mr. CLAY considered the question before the Senate as one of vital importance. It was nothing more nor less than whether we shall abandon the policy so long pur MARCH 30, 1832.] The Tariff. [SENATE. sued, and which had produced such unexampled prospe- committee in delaying their reports on the other subject rity throughout the country. The question before the committed to their charge. Weeks, perhaps months, Senate involved the fate of the protecting system. It was said he, must elapse before the committee could obtain not a question to be carried by storm, by arraigning the from the Secretary of the Treasury the information they committee which had reported this bill as a packed com- had called for, to enable them to estimate the value and mittee, instituted to protect a particular interest. So far quantity of the articles of import coming in competition as he was concerned, he repelled the charge with indig- with similar articles produced or manufactured in the nation, and asserted that the committee had acted in strict United States, to determine whether the manufacturers conformity with its instructions. What, he asked, was the were, as had been alleged, making moderate profits; and duty of the committee? The Senate had referred to them whether any, and what, manufacturers were so firmly esa variety of subjects, and left them to consider how, when, tablished as to permit of a reduction of the amount of and what number of bills they should report. No particu- protection. In every view of the case, then, Mr. C. lar instructions, with regard to these particulars, had been deemed it the wisest course to act first on the bill pregiven; the committee were left to act according to their sented by the committee. What was the precise quesown sense of propriety and understanding of the several tion chiefly to be considered? We are to consider, in a propositions given them in charge. It was not for him to reduction of the revenue from eight to twelve millions of inquire what had been the sense of individual members of dollars, what are the articles of importation on which we the Senate in voting for the reference; it was enough for may safely make that reduction. Here, then, was a bill him to take the order of the Senate, and act on it, either reducing the duties between five and six millions on artiin whole or in part, as his best judgment dictated. This cles that no one, he apprehended, would contend that the the committee had done; they had reported as far as cir- duties ought to be retained; and shall we, said he, keep cumstances permitted them at that time; and he contend- back that reduction--refrain from relieving the country ed that neither order, simplicity, or propriety would have from that amount of taxation, until we can settle how the been consulted by a contrary course. Mr. C. urged many further reduction is to be made? Gentlemen assume, reasons why the committee should not have made a more said he, that we shall reduce the duties on the articles that extended report at that time. Why was it that many gen-are now protected: that was their own assumption-for tlemen had forborne to speak while the resolution he had his part, he made no such concession. He did not mean submitted was under discussion? It was a mere abstract to say that no reduction of duty could be made on proposition, said they, the discussion of which can tend to the protected articles; but that, until sufficient informano valuable result. Give us, they said, a bill; something tan- tion was obtained, (and the Secretary of the Treasury then gible-something that we can applaud or condemn, amend had his agents engaged in collecting it,) he would not deor reject, and then a discussion will be proper. The com- termine that question. Sir, the honorable chairman of mittee then, he said, had performed their duty by present- the Committee on Finance [Mr. SMITH] spoke of the ing a subject that could be touched. If gentlemen had bill not comprehending many articles of importation named objections, let them make those objections known. If by him, and on which, in his judgment, the duties ought the bill did not contain all they wanted, it was open for to be repealed or reduced. Sir, if this bill is recommitted amendment; and if, finally, after full discussion, it did not until every Senator is satisfied with its details, it may be meet with the approbation of the Senate, a majority would committed, and recommitted, until the day of judgment. so decide it. With regard to simplicity of proceeding, It was not possible for the committee to frame such a bill was it not more in conformity with that object to present, as would answer the views of every Senator. If his bill in the first instance, in one bill, those articles which it was did not comprehend all that was required by the gentlenot the policy of the country to protect by discriminating man, it was competent to him to propose amendments, duties, than to comprehend in the same bill all, both pro-and take the sense of the Senate on them. The committee tected and unprotected, together with the important sub- had had the lights shown by the draught of a bill handed ject of the public lands? Suppose the committee had them by that gentleman: they did not choose to take all comprehended the whole in one paragraph, would the that it contained; and on this, also, he could, when ocaction of the Senate be thereby accelerated? Or would casion served, take the sense of the Senate. One further not, on the other hand, time and convenience both be remark, and he was done. The chairman of the Comconsulted by discussing and acting on the subject first pre-mittee on Manufactures considered the questions as doubtsented, while the committee were collecting information ful, whether the Senate could, constitutionally, originate and preparing materials for further reports? There was, a bill for the reduction of revenue, deeming a bill for one question gentlemen could not get over, and that was whether the system of protection should be abandoned, or the policy that had operated so beneficially should be persevered in. That is a question you must decide, come when it will; whether it be presented in one or many bills. But this bill was said to be intended for the peculiar The Senate would place itself in a very ungracious benefit of the manufacturers. How? What were the position, if it declined lessening the burdens of the articles of importation on which it proposed to repeal the people to the extent proposed by the bill, on the ground duties? Tea, coffee. [Mr. C. mentioned several other that the whole reduction of revenue that was contemarticles.] Do the manufacturers alone, said he, of all the plated could not be made at once. He did hope that this people of the United States, drink tea and coffee? Were question, which was to settle the fate of the future policy there not greater quantities of those necessary articles of the country, would be favorably disposed of. He reconsumed at the South than at the North? He could peated his hope that the other questions would be acted safely say there were. The bill proposed to repeal the on before the close of the session; but their delay ought not duties on articles of general consumption; and it was not to interfere with immediate action on the one that was the manufacturer, as such, alone, but the consumer, that then before them. Suppose, said he, we lessen the rewould be relieved. With respect to the observations venue to the amount only of seven or eight millions, we of the gentleman from South Carolina, relative to the re-shall accomplish much--we shall quiet that alarm which peal of the duty on indigo, he could answer, that the com- gentlemen so sensibly feel at the prospect of a distribution mittee had inquired, and were satisfied that the article was of a surplus revenue. not now produced in the United States. Mr. C. proMr. HOLMES regretted the motion that had been made ceeded to enlarge on the reasons which influenced the to send back the bill. He was in hopes that the printing VOL. VIII.-42 that purpose the same as one for the raising of revenue. He did not share with the chairman of the committee in that opinion. After a careful consideration, and an examination of the precedent to be found in our legislation, he was satisfied that the Senate fully possessed the power. SENATE.] The Tariff. [MARCH 30, 1832. No atten would have been ordered, both of the report and bill, Upon every question, in which the agricultural interests that he might ascertain whether there was any thing in which he represented on this floor were concerned, the either that came within the scope of his instructions. He vote was a dead one against him--four to one. wished to look over the list of his instructions, and com- tion was paid to his suggestions, his wishes, nor to the inpare them with the bill and report, to see whether he was terests he was identified with. So far as the conflicting instructed to act for or against them. While on this sub- interests of agriculture and the public lands were con ject, he ought to mention, for the information of the Se-cerned, he would maintain that the Committee on Manunate, that the Eastern mail had arrived, and brought him factures was a "packed committee." he had supposed the gentleman had applied the words in an offensive sense, he would have interposed; but as it was not so understood, and as the gentleman had disclaimed any offensive meaning, the Chair did not consider him out of order. Mr. CLAY said he denied that the words "packed committee" could be applied in any sense to a committee of that House. Mr. MOORE called for the words to be taken down in writing, and it was so done. no instructions. However, should the motion prevail, and [Here Mr. CLAY called Mr. MILLER to order. Mr. the bill be sent back to the committee, the instructions MILLER explained. The VICE PRESIDENT said, if could run in but one way, and that was to reduce the tariff; and as this was contrary to the opinions entertained by the Legislature of Maine, he should for once act in conformity to his instructions, by voting against the recommitment. He thought that sending back the bill would be making haste too fast; if printed, and laid on the tables of members, an examination could be given to its details, and a more correct decision formed with regard to the proper disposition of it. He was amused at the doubts expressed by the Senator from New Jersey as to the The VICE PRESIDENT said that those words, used power of the Senate to originate a bill for the reduction without connexion with the other words of the Senator of revenue, under the idea that the constitution gave to from South Carolina, would be out of order. But taken the House of Representatives the exclusive power of in- in the sense in which they were used and explained by the stituting a bill for the raising of revenue. This, he said, Senator using them, they were not out of order, and the was a new idea to him. He should suppose that the rea- Senator could, therefore, proceed with his remarks.] son for that provision in the constitution was, that, as the Mr. MILLER resumed. He said the proper course members of that House came fresh from the people, they clearly in order, to do equal justice to all, was to appoint would be more competent to form a correct judgment a committee consisting of two Senators favorable to the with regard to the sources from whence the revenue landed interest, and two favorable to the manufacturers' should be derived; and for this purpose they were to pre-interest; and if there must be an odd number, let three be sent a plan of revenue to the Senate, which that body taken favorable to the manufacturers. The various in could alter or amend. terests would be then fairly represented, and heard in the details of their report; but, as it now was, he did not care much whether it was recommitted or not, although, upon the mere question of propriety, he should vote for the motion to recommit. The committee had the right to put their own construction upon the reference, and the course to be pursued by them--that he did not deny; but the true question was, would the Senate consent to let their judgment be controlled by the committee, or must the committee be controlled by the Senate? It was a ques tion of power-shall the Senate dictate to a committee, or a committee to the Senate? The idea that the popular branch of the Legislature only should originate a revenue bill, was taken from the British Parliament, and adopted in many of the States without reason; as, for instance, the State of Maine. The House of Representatives in that State was elected by corporations, and the Senate by the people; and yet that provision existed in her constitution. However, he could not understand the grounds for the constitutional scruples of the Senator from New Jersey. Diminishing the duties on articles of importation was not raising of revenue --that would be lowering. He really did not know what we should come to next. Raising, he had always under- It had been said that this was not a report favorable to stood, meant lifting up; lowering meant letting down. the manufacturers; a very slight observation would tend All seemed to be going wrong nowadays. The whole to show the contrary. It was very obvious, if the arti administration was wrong-tail end foremost; the head cles unprotected were admitted free of duty, that it left was where the tail ought to be, and the tail where the the whole revenue to be collected on like articles manu head ought to be. factured in the United States. Suppose the omission Mr. MILLER said he had used the term "packed of the tax on the articles in the bill reported, would ope committee" with reference to its organization to sustain a rate in favor of the consumption in the South as well as particular interest, founded upon the known opinions of the North, still the great body of the articles consumed the members of that committee. The Senator from Ken- at the South were to be subject to high taxes, while the tucky had said, "he repelled with indignation the impu- only articles on which the manufacturers now pay any tation that the committee was a packed' one." In the thing would be relieved from the duty altogether. sense in which these terms are used, he would be glad to He had put it to the committee, to their sense of justice, know whether the Senator from Kentucky would deny to their respect for equal rights; he had even appealed to the fact that the committee was a "packed committee." their sympathy, whether it would be just and proper to Mr. CLAY, said yes, he did. Then, Mr. M. said, he must levy the taxes from a particular section of the country. take the liberty of dissenting from the Senator from It was known to every one that there were no manufac Kentucky. turing establishments at the South; and, although the law He considered the committee constituted upon the might appear equitable and fair on the face, yet, in conse ordinary parliamentary rule, and made up of materials quence of the different interests and different pursuits of favorable to the manufacturers, pledged by their known various sections, it would, in point of fact, be partial. He opinions to a particular policy, and certainly it had furnish-had been struck with the force of the suggestion of the ed no evidence that it had failed to subserve the manu- Senator from Virginia, [Mr. TYLER,] who illustrated this facturing interest. The honorable Senator had, in the subject, by supposing in a system of direct taxation it course of his remarks, just said that he had never ad- should be proposed to raise ten millions, or any other sum, mitted that he would compromise the principle of pro-and Congress should levy this tax on the sugar planters, tection; he was the open, avowed, and decided friend of could any one pretend that this would be just or constitu that interest. Mr. M. said, so far as he himself was con- tional? If this bill should be adopted, and the principle cerned, he did not consider his voice as having the least of it be sustained, the same result will be effected to the influence on the committee, not even a fractional influence. prejudice of the planting interest. If it should pass, there will be no security that the high taxes upon the necessaries of life will be reached by any subsequent modification of the tariff. [SENATE. one of the most moderate of those who are opposed to the miscalled American system, advocating conciliation, union; and those I represent well know it. Sir, it is not the wish Mr. KING said he was fully aware that nothing was to of the South to prostrate the manufacturing industry of be gained by a further discussion of the subject; but he the country; and the assertion, frequently made on this felt it a duty he owed to those whose interests he repre- floor, that such is their object, is destitute of foundation. sented on this floor, to make one or two remarks in reply | Sir, for the sake of peace and harmony, and of union, they to the observations of the Senator from New Jersey. are disposed to bear much. Fix the revenue at an amount When, sir, a few days past, resolutions were submitted by required by the ordinary wants of the Government, and the direction of the Committee on Manufactures, calling for agricultural interests will be found giving their support to information relative to the public lands, embracing in- such an arrangement of the duties as will give a fair and quiries of a most extensive character, the answers to reasonable encouragement to manufactures. Yes, sir, which would necessarily involve considerable delay, I then they will do this with a perfect conviction that the burdens thought I foresaw in this call the manifestation of a dispo- will still fall unequally, and that they must bear the greater sition to make a partial report on the subjects committed portion. Can the advocates of the tariff, with the least to it by the Senate, and to avoid, altogether, that part re- semblance of justice, contend for more? Will they not lating to the reduction of the price of the public domain. meet us on middle ground-settle this distracting quesI then, sir, rose in my place, and asked the Senator from tion, and save the Government? I ask, then, that this New Jersey whether it was the intention of the committee partial report, embracing but a single proposition, calcuto make a report before the information relative to the lated to benefit almost exclusively the manufacturer, and public lands was received. The answer of that gentle- affording next to no relief to those ground down to poman was explicit, that, so soon as the information asked verty by the oppressive operations of this unjust system, for was received, the committee would report-leaving shall be thrown back upon the committee, with the unno doubt on the minds of all who heard him, that he con-derstanding that they shall discharge their duty by presidered it to be the duty of the committee to present the senting the whole subject of reduction, embracing the whole together, and not in the detached and partial man- public lands, as intended by the Senate. Sir, I have not ner in which it is now brought forward. I cannot, sir, forgotten that the Senator from Kentucky has told us that withhold the expression of my astonishment at the course gentlemen should not outbrag him; that he would bring this committee has thought proper to pursue. The de- down the revenue as low as any of them. That gentleman, sign of the Senate in referring all the subjects of reve- with the committee to which he belongs, have been put to nue to the same committee, could not be misunderstood, the test, and what have they done? Why, sir, dextrously and especially after what took place on that occasion. shuffled out the public lands; given the go-by to the whole The Senator from Kentucky, convinced that the resolu- protective system, and proposed to reduce a revenue of tions introduced by him would be rejected by the Senate twenty-seven or eight millions of dollars--a little more than -[Mr. CLAY shook his head]—yes, sir, I repeat they could five millions; and this is what we are to understand by the not have received the sanction of this body. I know the declaration of the Senator that he would bring down the fact; and the Senator himself must have been aware of it, revenue as low as any one! But, sir, we have been told else how did it happen that he so readily acquiesced in that the Committee on Manufactures contemplated furthe proposition to refer them to the Committee on Manu- ther action on the subject committed to them--perhaps factures, without obtaining for them that sanction which a further reduction of duties might be safely recommendhe had urged so strongly? But, sir, the Senator went ed, when they had further information to guide them. much further: finding that even this reference could not But it was scarcely to be expected that they could combe obtained from them, unconnected with the whole sub-plete their labors during this session; that this important ject of reduction, he unhesitatingly consented to include information was exceedingly difficult to obtain; that the all the instructions proposed, with the single exception of Secretary of the Treasury had agents now employed in that relating to the public lands; and yet, sir, with a full collecting it; and, upon the whole, it was best to postpone knowledge of the wishes of the Senate, this committee has it to a more convenient season. Sir, are we to be amused taken upon itself to do what the Senate had declared it with such miserable pretexts for withholding from us that should not do-act upon the resolutions of the Senator justice which, as a part of this great American family, we from Kentucky-leaving out all the other subjects con- have a right to demand? Act upon this bill-pass it-and nected with them. And upon what ground does the chair-I warn my friends of the West that they must give up all man of the committee base this extraordinary report? Why, hope of seeing any reduction in the price of the public sir, that a bill for the reduction of duties could not, con- lands. That, too, sir, will be postponed to a more convestitutionally, originate in the Senate; and yet this bill pro- nient season. Sir, it is not my design to enter at large poses the entire abolition of duties. The constitution into this subject at this time. I appeal, sir, to the Senapresents no barrier to a repeal of all the duties upon un- tors from Indiana, New York, and, I think I may add, protected articles; but the moment you touch the pro- the Senator from Pennsylvania, to bear me out in the astected class--iron, for instance--it forms an insuperable sertion that this reference was made with the full belief obstacle! that the committee would act upon all the subjects toge I will not dwell upon the absurdity of such a distinction. |ther, and present them, in connexion, to the Senate. I [Here Mr. K. commented on the unjust and partial ope- repeat, sir, they have failed to discharge the duty which ration of the bill, recounting the different articles the properly belonged to them, and the disapprobation of this committee had thought fit to relieve from duty, though body should be manifested by recommitting the bill. Sir, particularly favoring manufacturers, and instituted a com- if by the vote this day we give the go-by to these importparison between them and the articles of necessity and ant subjects, I shall lose all hope of any settlement of this general consumption, on which the tax is still to remain.] distracting question, on terms that will be at all satisfactory So sure, said Mr. K., as there is a God above, if the ma- to the aggrieved and suffering portions of the community; jority will persist in this species of injustice and oppres- and when that hope, to which the South has fondly clung, sion; if, when we invoke this justice, they turn a deaf ear, that this Congress would not adjourn without affording and meet our entreaties to give some small relief to our relief to her sufferings, shall be given up, consequences, suffering people with insult added to injury, consequences sir, which no man can portray, will throw a dreadful will result which I shudder to think of. Sir, this is no weight of responsibility upon the heads of those whose idle threat; in this there is no gasconade. I stand here as injustice has produced them. |