7 "ments it contained, when properly interpreted, "he however subscribed; further he would nei"ther avow nor explain." Mr. Pitt's few words on this occasion admitted several important truths, which it interests the Irish nation to circulate, and perpetuate in justice and justification to themselves and their posterity. It was an admission from an enemy (and a greater Ireland never had), that in the very hour, in which the British Government was wresting from her the advantages of trial by jury and the habeas corpus, in the moment of baffling her expectations to be admitted to a general participation of all the constitutional rights, her patience and resignation were exemplary, and ought to be rewarded, and that her emancipation was necessary for confirming the general tranquillity and security of the empire. a 11 Catholics as they always Such was the forced and reluctant admission of have been. Mr. Pitt concerning the Irish Catholics, such as he had known them during seventeen years experience. But what were the principles, on which he intended to bring forward that measure, to which he anticipated such pointed resistance from the opposite benches? Well was Mr. Pitt aware of the broad and liberal policy of Mr. Fox and his friends; he foresaw their indignant rejection of any offer or proposal to the Irish Catholics, which should break into their religious credence or practices, or tend to seduce or force them to become a different society, from what they had hitherto been. Mr. Pitt spoke with laconic reserve: but never wished to meet the argument of religious 1801. 7 or even civil liberty on principle and merits. He sought to decoy the Catholic Hierarchy of Ireland into an alliance with the State; and as he had generally succeeded in his venal powers of seduction, he anticipated the sure ruin of the Catholics in the effect of their illicit connection. The direct proposal of ultimate guilt, never leads the premeditated attack on virtue, Even precipitancy is checked, where malice moves to conquest, It was not at that time publicly known, that in January 1799, a very artful proposal had been made by Government to the Roman Catholic Prelates of Ireland of an independent provision for the Roman Catholic Clergy of Ireland, under certain regulations, said not to be incompatible with their doctrine, discipline, or just principles. It was admitted by a large number of the prelates then convened in Dublin, that it ought to be thankfully accepted. ** lates in They went a step further and signed the follow- Resolutions. ing general resolution: "That in the appointment of the Pre"of the Prelates of the Roman Catholic Religion 1799. to vacant sees within the kingdom, such inter"ference with Government as may enable it to be " satisfied with the loyalty of the person appointed, "is just and ought to be agreed to." And for the purpose of giving it effect, they further resolved, that after the usual canonical election the president should transmit the name of the elected to Government, which in one month after such transmission, should return the name of the elected, (if unobjectionable) that he might be confirmed by the Holy See. If he should be objected to by 1801. 1801. 身 Government, the president on such communica " * Mr. Pitt in his speech upon the Catholic Question in the year 1805, (Deb. 127.) very fully explained himself upon this most important question, which neither in 1801 nor in 1805 was commonly seen through or thoroughly understood by the generality of his hearers. "It seemed expedient also to provide some guards against the evil influence, which the bigotry of priests might prompt them to exercise over the lower orders: and for that purpose I was desirous, that measures should be allopted to conciliate the priests themselves to Government, by making them in some degree dependent upon it, and thus rendering them links to connect the Government with the lower classes of society, instead of being the means of separation and agitation, who by infusing the prejudices, would divide the Catholic from the Protestant, and alienate him from his duty. That I conceive would be a wise and liberal system to pursue. My idea was to impose checks and guards, which whilst they secured against the danger of the innovation, would provide additional means for the defence of the country, ensure the respect due to the Protestant Clergy, and extend a proper influence to the Roman Who are the of Ireland. The motives of Mr. Pitt and his colleagues for 1801. retiring from his Majesty's service, or as Lord Cornwallis more feelingly expressed himself, for real friends sacrificing their situations at so critical a period, would be immaterial to the Irish people, were it not for the deception practised upon them. A demand of confidential gratitude was made upon the Irish Catholics to men, calling themselves friends to their cause, which from the year 1795 they had systematically opposed, against which they had in true Machiavelian policy fostered, arrayed, and permanently established the Orange Societies, and which they betrayed to their implacable enemies, in the moment, when called upon by private honor, public justice and national policy to redeem their pledge. The Irish have long been forbearing victims of oppression and persecution. It was reserved for Mr. Pitt to immolate them to that very Protestant Ascendancy, for which the Popery Code had been originally manufactured, but which he found too revolting for the opening liberality of the existing generation. The Christian indurance of unmerited persecution prevented not an intelligent and sagacious people from knowing, that the worst of enemies is the pretended friend. They beheld the British Minister retreating in despair of continuing the war with success, and without the Catholic Communion." The consequences of rendering a body of between two and three thousand Roman Catholic Clergymen the creatures of an Anti-Catholic Government, will be seen and felt most justly by those, who know most of the Roman Catholic Religion. 1801 ability or even the wish to make peace with credit or advantage. They lamented, that he had aggrandized France, but had subdued Ireland, by rivetting internal discord, driving her into rebellion, and thence into external union. That fatal triumph of political profligacy, from which even returning patriotism can hardly rally. Although Mr. Pitt had too long and too successfully practised upon the corrupt servility of his Irish depend- · ants, he never lost sight of, nor forgave their successful stand in rejecting his commercial propositions in 1785, and inviting the Prince of Wales to accept of the unlimited regency in 1788. He welf knew, that in Legislative Union only rested the impossibility of such recurrence. Having rivetted this indissoluble chain, with a view to arbitrary resumption, he relinquished power, and with recreant malice, proclaimed then for the first time, that on the Emancipation of Ireland the safety of the British empire depended. He and his colleagues resigned, pledging themselves to support their successors, (and they declined to accept of office without that support) in an administration avowedly formed on implacable hostility to that identical measure, which he scrupled not to declare essential to the safety of the empire. Malicious cause as In the embarrassing circumstances of a general dissolution of the most powerful administration signed for the altera Majesty's health. tion of his ever known in the country, under the menace of external power and the pressure of internal distress, the free, unbiassed and firm judgment of the executive was emphatically called into action. It T |