promising enemy. IIe struck hard at the alliance between low-church doctrines, dissent, and infidelity, which he considered to form part of the character of the reigning Whigs. He wished to inscribe upon his political banner the principles of high-church independence combined. with civil liberty, as both forming an integral part of the British constitution, but neither to be maintained by subserviency to the other. To allay the extreme violence of parties, to prove his own consistent views, and to show how far it was impossible for him to unite with the Whigs, he wrote his "Sentiments of a Church of England Man ;" a production which caused the first estrangement between him and the heads of the party then in power. He found that no efforts to reconcile high-church principles with Whig politics were likely to be attended with success ; he was compelled to make his choice between two evils; and, consulting the dignity and character of his order, he considered that in joining the existing opposition he chose the least. He boldly declares the motives by which he was actuated his veneration for the church of England, and its government by convocation upon independent interests; while at the same time he as strenuously advocates the principles of the revolution.1 In order," he concludes, “to preserve the constitution entire in church and state, whoever has a true value for both would be sure to avoid the extremes of Whig for the sake of the former, and the extremes of Tory on account of the latter."

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Opinions like these, even more strongly than the author's "Letter on the Sacramental Test," tended farther to widen the breach between him and the Whigs, and other causes were not wanting to aggravate the soreness felt upon both sides. The influence of Harley was beginning to be felt, and the Whig leaders taking the alarm, and finding their efforts to attach Swift to their cause in vain, wisely resolved to send him out of the way. With the vacillation of a sinking party they successively designed for him the post of secretary to the embassy at Vienna, and afterwards the bishopric of Virginia, with supreme authority over the clergy of the province both offers which in the outset of his career Swift might have listened to; but court influence and the Wharton faction in the ministry prevailed, leaving Swift fired with resentment and eagerly watching his opportunity to inflict a signal revenge. As he emphatically expresses it in his Journal, "he had more mischief in his heart," and he was bent upon "giving it to the scoundrel Whigs all round;" the recollection of Somers' coldness, Halifax's treachery, Berkeley's corrupt and base violation of his promises, with Wharton's unprincipled conduct and abandoned character, having raised a storm of indignation in his breast which only their utter disgrace and humiliation could appease. The spirit of his political animosity indeed may be said to have pervaded all his writings from this period; while, to give them

"I amuse myself sometimes with writing verses to Mrs. Finch, and sometimes with projects for the uniting of parties, which I perfect over-night and burn in the

at once a keener edge and to secure for them a wider and more extensive range of influence, if possible to the perpetual exposure and ignominy of his enemies, he couched them in a succession of exquisitely wrought allegories, commenced with his "Tale of a Tub," and brought to still higher perfection in his "Gulliver's Travels, that wonderful illusion of intellectual painting, and his crowning triumph of the imaginative faculty. Where there exists power, the will to avenge is seldom wanting; "Vengeance is mine" is ever the motto of sovereignty in the natural as in the intellectual and moral world; and we are to remember that Swift's incentives to fiery action were newly impelled by the studied neglect and indignities cast by the Whigs upon that reformed church of which he was a member, by their corrupt and lavish expenditure, their interested and nefarious prosecution of an interminable war, and its consequent progeny of taxes, famine, and national debt. These combined causes of offence in Swift's estimation, whether well or ill founded, offered powerful instruments by which to work the utter downfall of a tottering ministry; and he availed himself of them with unscrupulous eagerness; inflicting successive blows, till with his merciless tomahawk he bore away with the merriment of the Indian warrior the scalps of the discomfited Whigs, not excepting the hero of Blenheim, who in vain expressed his anxious desire to soften the resentment of Dr. Swift.

In 1708 he followed up his first attack in a tract entitled “An Argument against Abolishing Christianity," admitted on all hands to be an exquisite specimen of successful irony. He found time also for a humorous exposure of one of the prevailing superstitions of the day, in his "Predictions for the Year 1708," under the name of Isaac Bickerstaff, in which he prognosticated the death of the great soothsayer Partridge himself, which was to take place on the 29th of March, about eleven at night. The astrologer in his wrath published a serious reply, protest ing that he was not dead, and that all were knaves who reported otherwise; but this only brought down on him the "Vindication of Isaac," to the no small entertainment of the public.

The success of this exquisite burlesque is said to have induced Steele to assume a nom de guerre of so much popular attraction, and the papers which Swift generously contributed gave support to the heavy calibre of that unlucky writer's wit, who, when left without his friend Addison and other adventitious support, sunk to the level for which nature had designed him. During the ensuing year, Swift produced his "Project for the Advancement of Religion," addressed to lady Berkeley; a project of which Johnson correctly observes that it is "formed with just purity of intention, and displayed with sprightliness and elegance; it can only be objected that, like many other projects, if not generally impracticable, it is yet evidently hopeless, as it supposes more zeal, concord, and perseverance, than a view of mankind gives reason for expecting." He might have added that in this singular production the author had likewise a political object; and that, while

endeavoring to inculcate the principles of religion and virtue, he still aimed at pulling down from "their bad eminence," as he conceived it, his now sworn enemies the Whigs. Immediately after its publication, Swift returned to Ireland, still actively engaged in prosecuting his political warfare, to which he doubtless attributed, with the assistance of Harley's intrigues, the ensuing fall of the Whig ministry under Godolphin and Somers, when the Tories came into power. Swift, who had spent some of his happiest hours during this visit in Addison's society, at that time secretary to lord Wharton, was roused by this event to fresh efforts, and a perfectly new scene opened upon his aspiring mind.

The Irish clergy it seems had long complained of the payment of twentieth parts and first-fruits, which had been remitted in England, but all their efforts to obtain the same boon had proved unavailing. As early as 1708 Swift had displayed his zeal and activity in the Irish convocation, and he was now invited by the lord primate of Ireland and the other bishops to negotiate with Mr. Harley, who had so successfully exerted his influence for the English clergy, and was already aware of Swift's hostility to the Whigs, and the manner in which he conceived he had, like himself, been injuriously and even insultingly treated by the heads of that powerful party. Full credentials having been prepared, Swift once more quitted his residence at Laracor, and arrived in London early in September, 1710, at a moment when party violence was at its height. There was no longer a prospect that the moderate measures he had so strenuously advocated would produce the least effect, and as his political opinions turned chiefly upon zeal for the interests of his order, he declined all further overtures from the Whigs; and as, according to his own maxim, no good citizen could remain neutral in snch a situation of affairs, he chose his party, and the good fortune of the Tories prevailed.

In that interesting narrative of events and anecdotes which he now commenced ("Journal to Stella") he describes the impression produced by his appearance on the scene of action, and the efforts made by the Whig party to win back so redoubtable a champion to their camp. "All the Whigs," he says, "were ravished to see me, and would have laid hold on me as a twig to save them from sinking; and the great men were all making their clumsy apologies. It is good to see what a lamentable confession the Whigs all make of my ill-usage." As a further index to the motives by which he was actuated, and which bears out the judicious view taken of his conduct at this period by sir Walter Scott, we quote another passage which very significantly points to his future conduct in the fierce political struggles which ensued. "I should be terribly vexed to see things come round again; it would ruin the church and the clergy for ever." He had observed also with disgust that, on the approaching fall of the Whig administration, lord

arrogant style, suddenly changed his demeanor and affected to caress him, with the insidious design, as Swift suspected, of bringing him into discredit with the church party. The Tories, on their side, were not without alarm, and how strong were their apprehensions of those early Whig opinions which he had been known to entertain with regard to eivil policy may be inferred from the avowal of the Tory leaders themselves (June 30, 1711), in the intimacy of friendship which ensued, that Swift was the only man in England of whom they were afraid.” He had moreover experienced a cool reception from Godolphin, which he bitterly revenged by his cutting lampoon of "Sid Hamet," which met with astonishing success and was read with loud applause at Harley's table, though not then suspected to be Swift's. The circumstances attending the fall of the Godolphin ministry, accelerated by the lengths to which they carried their prosecution of Sacheverell, and the high Tory excitement which it produced throughout the nation, are too generally known to require comment, and we shall proceed with Swift's own account of his interview with the new minister, given in his correspondence with archbishop King: "As soon as I received the packets from your grace I went to wait upon Mr. Harley. I had prepared him before by another hand, where he was very intimate, and got myself represented (which I might justly do) as one extremely ill used by the last ministry, after some obligations, because I refused to go certain lengths they would have me." He also states more particularly in his Journal (Oct. 4, 1710), “Mr. Harley received me with the greatest respect and kindness imaginable, and appointed me an hour two or three days after to open my business to him." It would appear that the new minister's courteous and bland demeanor was highly pleasing to Swift's pride, contrasted with the usage he declares he had experienced from the Whigs: he was met upon that footing of equality which his genius and temper exacted; there were no shifts or subterfuges had recourse to; a gentlemanly frankness was observed on both sides; and after inquiring into the measures the ministry meant to adopt, and finding they were moderate with regard to politics, and zealous and decided in favor of the high-church interests so much in unison with his own views, he engaged to support them with his whole heart and strength. The object of his mission necessarily led to frequent interviews with the first minister, and these afforded opportunities for a mutual confidence and respect which terminated in the most unreserved and lasting friendship. "I must tell you," he writes (Journal, October 7th), "a great piece of refinement in Harley. He charged me to come and see him often; I told him I was loth to trouble him in so much business as he had, and desired I might have leave to come at his levee, which he immediatelg refused, and said that was no place for friends!"

In a few days he states the satisfactory progress he was making,

"Har

affairs that vitally concerned the interests of his administration. ley tells me (October 10th) he has shown my memorial to the queen and seconded it very heartily; because, said he, 'the queen designs to signify it to the bishops of Ireland in form, and take notice that it was done upon a memorial from you;' which he said he did to make it look more respectful to me. I believe never anything was compassed so soon; and purely done by my personal credit with Mr. Harley, who is so excessively obliging that I know not what to make of it, unless to show the rascals of the other party that they used a man unworthily who had deserved better." And he adds (October 14th), “I stand with the new people ten times better than ever I did with the old, and ten times more caressed."

Swift now clearly saw, from the extreme violence of the opposite party, that Harley's administration stood in need of every support to obtain a permanent footing both with the queen and the nation. To do this it was necessary to produce a marked change in public opinion, not only to influence but to sway the popular mind in regard to great questions which called for the most refined policy, combined with a degree of skill and dexterity which few controversialists ever possessed. It was no less than striking at the power and humbling the pride of the powerful party that had ruled alike the senate and the court, and contrived, by the illusion of military glory and the most corrupt practices, to render war and its public burdens almost popular, and by means of a national debt and a factitious moneyed interest, before unknown, to strike their fangs deep into the vitals of the state. It was, in fact, to produce a revolution in the temper and feelings of the nation that Swift now summoned his transcendent powers, and they proved equal to the herculean task he was so bold to undertake; its success fixed the Tories firmly in their seats, which they retained up to the close of queen Anne's reign. "The present ministry have a difficult task," he says (Nov. 29th, 1710), "and want me. According to the best judgment I have, they are pursuing the true interest of the public, and therefore I am glad to contribute all that lies in my power."

The writers upon both sides now prepared for the gladiatorial struggle that was to decide the fortune of the Tories still trembling in the balance, or the permanent humiliation of their foes. No stronger testimony to the celebrity already obtained by Swift can be adduced than that the best Tory leaders in so perilous a juncture intrusted to Swift alone the entire control and conduct of their political organ the "Examiner," before supported by the combined efforts of men like St. John, Atterbury, and Prior. He hesitated not a moment, though ranged on the other side he must have beheld with pain his friends Addison and Congreve, with bishop Burnet, Steele, and Rowe. He took up the controversial flail with the strength of a giant and the resolution of a martyr, who risked all to insure the triumph of the church to which he was so at