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ance which he exhibits not only with the topography of Kent (§ 54), but with its condition at the time when he wrote (§§ 148, 449); and the same remark is applicable, although in a more limited degree, to most of the other southern kingdoms (§§ 289, 298, 300, 314).

§ 50. (2.) Documents pre-existing in an historical form are seldom quoted amongst those of which use has been made may be numbered the Life of Gregory the Great, written by Paulus Diaconus (§ 82); the Miracles of Ethelburga, abbess of Barking (§§ 275-282); the Life of Sebbi, king of the East Saxons (§ 283); the Legend of Fursey (§§ 204-208); and that of Cuthbert of Lindisfarne (§ 346'), formerly written by Beda, but now augmented by himself, with additional facts. These, together with some extracts from the treatise of Arcuulf de Locis Sanctis (§§ 404407), are all the written documents to which the author refers.

§ 51. That other narratives, however, were in Beda's possession, of which he has made liberal use, is certain from his express words (§ 2), and may also be inferred from internal evidence. Albinus and Nothelm appear to have furnished him with materials, in which he found accurate and full information upon the pedigrees (§ 101), accessions (§§ 172, 252, 271, 342), marriages (§§ 54, 102), exploits (§§ 55-57, 104, 105, &c.), descendants (§§ 111, 172), deaths (§§ 101, 172, 252, 342), and burials (§ 101, &c.) of the kings of Kent. From the same source he derived his valuable account of the archbishops of Canterbury, both before and after their ordination (§ 375), the place and date of consecration (§§ 140, 209, 375), even though it took place abroad (§§ 58, 274), the days on which they severally took possession of that see (§§ 256, 375), the duration of their episcopate (§§ 209, 256, 374), their deaths (§§ 106, 140, 209, 252, 374), burial-places (§§ 107, 374), and the intervals which elapsed before the election of a successor (§ 209). It is evident that the minuteness and accuracy of this information could have been preserved only by means of contemporary written memoranda. That such records existed in the time of the Saxons cannot be doubted, for Beda introduces a story by which it appears (§§ 294, 295) that the abbey of Selsey possessed a volume in which were entered the obits of eminent individuals; and the same custom probably prevailed throughout the other monastic establishments of England.

§ 52. The history of the diocese of Rochester was communicated by Albinus and Nothelm. It is exceedingly barren of particulars (§§ 209, 287, 375), and probably would have been even more so, had not it been connected with the life of Paulinus of York (§§ 149. 187), concerning whom Beda appears to have obtained information from other quarters.

§ 53. The early annals of East Anglia are equally scanty, as we have little more than a short pedigree of its kings (§ 134), an account of its conversion to Christianity (§§ 134, 135), the history of Sigebert and Anna (§§ 199, 201), and a few particulars regarding its bishops, Felix, Thomas, Bertgils, and Bisi (§§ 209, 271), which See also the preface to the present volume, § 95.

details were communicated in part by Albinus and Nothelm (§ 2).

§ 54. The history of the West Saxons was derived partly from the same authorities (§ 2), and partly from the information of Daniel, bishop of Winchester (§ 2). It relates to their conversion by Birinus (§§ 167-171), the reigns of Caedualla and of Ini (§§ 372, 373), and the pontificate of Uuini (§ 243), Aldhelm, and Daniel (§ 410). To this last-named bishop we are indebted for a portion of the little of what is known as to the early history of the South Saxons and the Isle of Wight (§ 2), the last of the Saxon kingdoms which embraced the Christian faith. It relates to the conversion of those districts by the agency of Wilfrith (§§ 289-291). A few unimportant additions are afterwards made in a hurried and incidental manner (§§ 342, 411), evidently showing that Beda's information upon this head was neither copious nor definite.

§ 55. The monks of Laestingaeu furnished materials relative to the ministry of Cedd and Ceadda, by whose preaching the Mercians were induced to renounce paganism (§ 2). The history of this kingdom is obscure, and consists of an account of its conversion (§ 211), the succession of its sovereigns and its bishops. The neighbouring state of Middle Anglia, which, if ever independent of Mercia, soon merged in it, is similarly circumstanced; and we are perhaps indebted to its connexion with the princes and bishops of Northumbria for what is known of its early history (§§ 210-212).

§ 56. Lindsey, part of Lincolnshire, although situated so near to the kingdom of Northumbria, was both politically and ecclesiastically independent of it, and Beda was as ignorant of the transactions of that province as of those which were much more remote from Jarrow. He received some materials from bishop Cyniberct (§ 2), but they appear to have been scanty, for the circumstances which relate to Lincolnshire are generally derived from the information of other witnesses (§§ 2, 136, 180-183).

§ 57. The history of East Saxony is more copious, and is derived partly from the communications of Albinus and Nothelm (§ 2), and partly from the monks of Laestingaeu (§ 2). To the first of these two sources we must probably refer the account of the pontificate of Mellitus (§§ 95, 99, 105), and the apostasy of the sons of Saberct (§ 103),-circumstances too intimately connected with the see of Canterbury to be omitted in its annals. To the latter we are indebted for the history of the re-conversion of East Saxony (§§ 213, 216),-an event in which the monks of Laestinghaeu were interested, as it was accomplished by their founder Cedd (§§ 217-219). From them Beda also received an account of the ministry of Ceadda (§§ 220, 244, 258, 259). Some further details respecting its civil and ecclesiastical affairs (§§ 250, 251), the life of Earconuuald, bishop of London (§ 273), and the journey of Offa to Rome (§ 412), conclude the information which we have respecting this kingdom.

§ 58. In the history of Northumbria, Beda, as a native, was particularly interested, and would probably exert himself to procure

the most copious and authentic information regarding it. Although he makes no allusion to having had access to previous historical documents, when speaking of his sources of information (§ 2), yet there seems reason to believe that he has made use of such materials. We may infer from what he says of the mode in which Osuald's reign was generally calculated (§§ 151, 175), that in this king's time there existed Annals or Chronological Tables, in which events were inserted as they occurred, the regnal year of the monarch who then filled the throne being at the same time specified. These annals appear to have extended beyond the period of the conversion of Northumbria to Christianity (§§ 80, 94), although it is difficult to imagine how any chronological calculation or record of events could be preserved before the use of letters had become known. But the history of Eadwin, with its interesting details, shows that Beda must have had access to highly valuable materials which reached back to the very earliest era of authentic history; and we need not be surprised at finding information of a similar character throughout the remainder of his history of Northumbria. Accordingly we have minute accounts of the pedigrees of its kings (§§ 133, 146, 148, 150, 180, 187, 188, 322, 323, 327, &c.), their accession (§§ 187, 267, 340, 341, 409, &c.), exploits (§§ 150, 151, 187, 188, &c.), anecdotes of them, and sketches of their character, (§§ 152, 156, 165, 166, 189, &c.), their deaths, and the duration of their reigns (§§ 151, 175, 188, &c.),-details too minute in themselves, and too accurately defined by Beda, to have been derived by him from tradition. Similar proofs might, if necessary, be drawn from the history of its bishops.

§ 59. (3.) The Historia Ecclesiastica contains various transcripts of important official documents. These are of two classes, either such as were sent from the papal court to the princes and ecclesiastics of England, or were the production of native writers. The first were transcribed from the Papal Regesta by Nothelm of London, during a residence at Rome, and were sent to Beda by the advice of his friend Albinus of Canterbury (§ 2). They relate to the history of the kingdoms of Kent (§§ 52, 53, 59-73, 74-76, 108, 141) and Northumbria (§§ 115, 120, 139, 246). The letters of archbishops Laurentius and Honorius, concerning the proper time for celebrating Easter (§§ 98, 143), were probably furnished by the same individual. The proceedings of the councils of Herutford (§ 268) and Haethfeld (§ 302) may have been derived from the archives of Beda's own monastery, since it was customary in the early ages of the church for each ecclesiastical establishment to have a "tabularium," in which were deposited the synodal decrees by which its members were governed.

§ 60. (11.) A considerable portion of the Historia Ecclesiastica, especially that part of it which relates to the ancient kingdom of Northumbria, is founded upon local information which its author derived from various individuals. On almost every occasion Beda gives the name and designation of his informant, being anxious,

1 Augusti, Handbuch der Christl. Archäologie, iii. 699, ed. 1837; Thomassin, Vetus et Nova Ecclesiæ Disciplina, i. 561, ed. Lugd. 1706.

apparently, to show that nothing is inserted for which he had not the testimony of some respectable witness. Many incidents he doubtless related upon his own authority; for the truth of some (§ 400) he himself vouches from his own observation. Some of his witnesses are credible from having been present at the event which they related (§§ 83, 363 &c.); others, from the high rank which they held in the church, such as Acca, bishop of Hexham (§ 185); Guthfrith, abbot of Lindisfarne (§ 359); Bercthun, abbot of Beverley (§§ 362, 364); and Pecthelm, bishop of Whithern (§ 399). The author received secondary evidence with caution; for he distinguishes between the statements which he received from eye-witnesses, and those which reached him through a succession of informants. In the last of these instances the channel of information is always pointed out with scrupulous exactness, whatever opinion we may entertain (as in the case of some of the visions and miracles) of the credibility of the facts themselves.

§ 61. If it be important to inquire into the sources whence Beda derived his information, it is no less necessary to endeavour to ascertain how far he employed them with judgment and fidelity. That he wrote candidly and conscientiously will appear from the following considerations. The work was undertaken at the suggestion of Albinus and Nothelm, from whom, as the subjects of another kingdom and the residents in another diocese, he could expect no political or ecclesiastical advantages. His History, though inscribed to Ceolwulf, the reigning king of Northumbria, is remarkably free from flattery; and yet it is obvious that, had he been so inclined, there could have been no difficulty in its introduction. Had the writer been pleased to administer it, he might have done so in a more subtle form by expatiating upon the exploits of the ancestors of his patron, if not upon his own, since in his person a new dynasty became seated on the throne of Northumbria; but so far from this being the case, the ancestors of Ceolwulf are unknown to us as far as Beda is concerned, and his slight mention of that sovereign is cold, almost to censure (§ 448). And, as he did not condescend to feed the vanity of his sovereign, so neither did he give any partial account in favour of his own kingdom; for had such been his intention, he would have drawn a less just character of Ecgfrith (§ 340), the monarch by whom the monasteries of Jarrow and Wearmouth were founded and endowed.

§ 62. Beda tells us that he had laid down for himself this fundamental maxim, that it was incumbent for him, as for every historian, simply to recount those circumstances which he had received upon credible authority (§ 2); and he more than once reminds his readers that he continued throughout his narrative to act upon this principle (§§ 197, 399). It is also observable that, although a firm adherent to the church of Rome in regard to the warmly-disputed questions concerning the observance of Easter, the tonsure and confirmation, yet he does ample justice to the merits of those who embraced the opposite doctrines (§§ 155, 162, 163, 191, 197, &c.). These considerations seem to warrant us in coming to the conclusion that Beda was diligent in collecting and faithful in employing his

materials, both written and oral; and although he is sparing in his observations upon the causes of events and the motives of the actors, yet the narrative of the events itself is generally clear, temperate, and impartial.

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§ 63. It is unnecessary for our present purpose that we should give any extended bibliographical list of the various editions of the Historia Ecclesiastica.' The earliest has neither date, nor name of place or printer; but it issued (apparently)' from the press of Eggesteyn, of Strasburg, about the year 1473.2 Stroth mentions editions printed at the same place in 1483, and at Spires in 1493," the existence of which is somewhat doubtful, but the statement is repeated by Heinichen in his edition of Eusebius. The Strasburg impression of 1500 (which Smith considered the first) is a reprint, with a few unimportant variations, of that of Eggesteyn, as is also that dated at Hagenau in 1506. All these editions are printed in black letter, in small folio, and are given as a sequel to the translation, by Ruffinus, of the "Ecclesiastical History" of Eusebius. The first critical revision of the text is found in the Antwerp edition of 1550, in the formation of which good manuscripts were employed; the conclusion of chapter xxiv. of book v., which had hitherto been wanting, was now supplied, and the chronological epitome appended to the work was extended to A.D. 767. (See § 91.) This became the basis of the editions of Louvaine, 1566; Basle, 1563; Cologne, 1601, 1612, and 1688; none of which deserve particular notice. It is also included in the collection issued by Commeline, at Heidelberg, in 1587, where the text is revised by a good manuscript, which belonged to Pithou.

§ 64. It was not until the year 1643 that an edition of the "Historia Ecclesiastica" appeared in England; it was then published by Abraham Wheloc, professor of the Arabic and AngloSaxon languages in the university of Cambridge. He added to it the Anglo-Saxon version by King Alfred, and a large body of notes, which, however, are rather theological than historical. The Latin text, according to Hardy, seems to have been taken from the Cologne edition of 1612, collated with the Cotton MS. Tiber. C. ii. (see § 68), with a manuscript now in the Library of Trinity College (R. 5. 27), of the twelfth century, and with another belonging to Dr. Ward, Master of Sidney Sussex College (marked A 5. 17), of 1 Petrie and Hardy attribute it to the press of Conrad Fyner, at Eslingen, between 1471 and 1475. 2 Lord Spencer's copy, the first known in England, cost him forty guineas. This was for some time considered unique; but a more extended search upon the continent has brought several other copies to light; still, however, the book is a scarce one. In 1835 Mr. Heber's sold for 45l. In Payne and Foss's catalogue of the same year, (No. 361,) is a copy marked at 167. 16s.; and it is there attributed to the press of Eggesteyn, and supposed to have been printed about 1470. Copies are in the British Museum and in the Royal Library at Paris. For all critical purposes the edition is valueless. The proper names are very incorrectly given, and the text ends at the beginning of chapter xxiv. of book v.

3 In his edition of Eusebius, Præf. p. xxix. ed. Halle, 1779. Petrie and Hardy mention an edition of Spires, in 1490.

Præf. p. xxx. 8vo. Leips. 1827.

5 These have reference chiefly to the headings of the chapters, and the correction of a few obvious errors of the press.

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