conceive them to be friendly. I knew the letter was from a man whom I have long contidered as my enemy—from whom I received, (if nut greatly mistaken,) that fiercest of attacks on my Historical Views—to whom I attribute the late* insulting comments on my History—to avoid whose persecution in the Critical Review, I published the first edition of my Local Attachment anonymously—and from whom I again expect, whenever I appear in print, the same harsh, unworthy treatment—if that unrelenting fpirit be ftill suffered by their editors to disgrace the records of literature. Yet I opened the letter without the tremor of a nerve ; assured, that it could never add to the severity of my fate. But what was my astonishment when I read the following:

“Sir, The fociety at the Globe have directed me to inform you, that any MS. of yours in their cabinet shall be left for your disposal at Mr. Trueman's, addressed to you. I am to add officially, that, at the last meeting, you were unanimously expelled. A provisional expulsion was some time since resolved on ; and since that time various circumstances have occurred, which, in their opinion, juftified the present resolution. You will excuse my adding, that any letter from you, addretsed to me, will be returned to the poft-office unanswered."

B. Park, Secretary to the Society at the Globe.' “The reader may conceive my astonishment, when I proteft, that of the club in question I was not a member.t Had I entertained the least fulpicion of my being considered as such, I hould certainly have signified, in a formal manner, my resolution to withdraw myself from the society. But, admitting that I was one of the society, ought exclusion from that society to have taken place, without any specifi. cation of crime? Had' my offence been rank and cried to heaven -- with even the blackest stamp of hell upon it'-should judgement have been palled without any intimation of a trial? Might not the club-pretident have gratified the disposition to torture by malignant playfulness, and somewhat faved appearances, had he furnished me with the articles of accusation, received my defence with a sarcastic sneer, and ridiculed with airy facetiousness every sentiment and every ex. pression, till at length, (predetermined, as he was, 'on banishment or death,') he put on the stern cap of condemnationTo the proceedings of the Exeter club, the tyranny of the baseft usurpation, is more than human mercy: the fierce Gallic democracy, in comparison, has the sweetest drops of heaven upon it.' Observing, for months, a mysterious filence, the club, at length, erected them. selves into judges--judges in their own cause ; and, with more than inquifitorial decrecy, proceeded to try their culprit, unconscious of his trial, passed sentence upon him for things that he knew not, and executed that sentence with the moft refined barbarity!

“ I have now only to add, with respect to myself, that, though I suppose the critique imputed to me was the cause of the first resolution-a provisional expulfion; yet I have endeavoured in vain to guess at the various circumstances that afterwards occurred, to justify the second.

With regard to the gentlemen of the club,- I most readily own myself mistaken in my ideas of Mr. Swete's extreme unfriendliness towards me; and should be happy in the opportunity of making a similar acknowledgement to my juppojed adversary in the Critical Review. From the former gentleman I have lately re. ceived leverallctters of remonttrance and explanation : : When I annexed the draw. ings to the Observations on the Cromlech (says Mr. S.) I didit, merely by way of illustration, notpofletting the least withof having my vanity gratified by their publication. You well know, that your work was an object I hadat heart, beyond any other. You also know, that I drew those three druidical reliques on a large scale with a view to your history; and that, at my particular request, you were detired to send Bonner to me, when he next came into Devon, that he might copy thule sketches in his own manner, and engage with me also for two views of my place. Has it

* " Second volume of the History.". + “Such, indeed, had one of the members intimated in the Gentleman's Magazine."

Yet the writer, whoever he may be, is my personal enemy, and bears a ran corous hatred against me.


been owing to any retraction on my part, that you are not possessed, at this instant, of those three plates ?-No: I have never, at any time, intimated to you, that I had receded from my intentions.*'

“ More than fix years have now paried, since Mr. S. promised me his drawings. But of drawings on a large scale, I recollect nothing. I always underftood that his drawings for the history of were to be engraved on the same scale as those of the club-bcok. Let me ask, then, whether it was not natural, on the publication of his drudical reliques, to deem Mr. S. guilty of a breach of promise? I had no intimation of his intention to publish them ; nor, when published, could I account for their appearance. Not that I have accused Mr. S. of a breach of promile. Under the impresion, that he had used me unworthily, I dropped a hint or two, cxpressive of my feelings, in the notes and portfcript to the first volume of my his tory. But I presumed not to call in question, his taste, his ingenuity, his goodness of heart. It was a harmless foible, only connected often with the moft brilliant talents, that I llightly touched upon—I mean, literary vanity. In short, conceiving Mr. S. to be the chief instrument of th: late arbitrary proceedings of the club, I was induced to publish a few little strictures, which I mouli otherwise have fuppressed. He tells me, however, that he was not the chief instrument.'. - I wished you (says he): to be apprized of those proceedings, ere they tended to exclusion, that, if it was in your power, you might exculpate yourself from the heavy charges which had been brought against you: And when we proceeded for the first time to ballot for your expulsion, the recollection of pait friendship rose ftrong upon my mind, and instigated one farther exertion in your favour. Thus, then, I yet remained your friend.' With the feelings this avowal must excite, I would wish to close my postscript ; assuring Mr. S. of my disposition to cherish, in his favour, all the sentiments of benevolent regard ; and welcoming (though we Tall never meet again) that forgiveness which is most native to his heart-and which can only accord with the philanthropy of a man of taste, the urbanity of a gentleman, and the charity of a chriftian!"

Art. XXIII. The Lawfulness of Defensive War, upon Christian

Principles, impartially considered. By a Clergyman of the Church of England. Pp. 24.

Price 6d. Sold by the Booksellers, London. 1798. THIS we consider as one of the most peftilent little pamphlets that has lately fallen into our hands---we say lately; as the profecution of Paine, and persons of a similar description, (together with other causes,) was observed to operate like a spell, in “chaining up the tongues” of the Jacobins, and petrifying even the pens in their hands. · But, though they dared not to stand forward in the face of day, and, still braving what they deemed persecution, proclaim their opinions with all the foolhardiness of fanaticism ; yet many of them have muttered sedition from their lurking-holes, and scattered, in dark corners, the feeds of anarchy. With these, we scruple not to class this Clergyman of the Church of England, whose principles may prove doubly pernicious to fociety, from their being produced under the veil of religion. The tendency of the publication will, at once, appear, from the extracts which we proceed to lay before our readers :

# “ Dated April 21, 1798.

“+ See Prospectus, published in 1793. Old House at Oxton,'' New House at Oxton'--Instead of one large plate for the work, Mr. Swete preferred leveral on a smaller scale ; such as those introduced into the society volume.” * “ In his letter of April 21, 1798."

« There

" There are many who argue with such a degree of speciousness and plausibility in behalf of defensive war, that even good men are led into the persuafion, that it is justifiable for Christians to engage in it, for the safety and defence of their country, fainilies, liberty, civil rights, &c. and to save themselves from being destroyed by their enemies."-" The following pages are designed as an humble endeavour to obviate the prejudices of those who lincerely desire to arrive at the knowledge of the truth, but have stumbling-blocks thrown in their way by the advocates of chose ideal virtues, which have long dazzled and deluded mankind by their false glare and tinsel splendour."-" The Jews practised wars under a law from Heaven : but, by its being now taken away, Divine Providence seems to fignify, that the power once granted to that peculiar people is now resumed by that Being, who has che sole right of delegating such authority to mortals; and, that every one who affumes it, without being in like manner authorized, can be regarded in no other light than as a trangrellor of the divine law, and an encroacher on the prerogative of the Creator."

The King of Great Britain, then, who prosecutes the war, without any such authority from Heaven, (as our author thinks,) “is, thereby, a tranfgreffor of the divine law, and an encroacher on the prerogative of the Creator."

“ Antichrist, to whom it was given to make war, is the direct opposer of the Prince of Peace, the Saviour of men ; and, u:erefore, is very emphatically styled, the Destroyer. And all who inaintain this cruly Antichristian doctrine of the lawfulness of war, do thereby prove, that however they may diffes, in other respects, from the Romish church, their descent is from one comnion parent, and that chey are certainly not the subjects of the Prince of Peace.”

We here perceive all the equivocation of the genuine Jacobin.

“ The love of our country is a plea frequently urged in favour of the lawfulness of war, and as an excuse for engaging in hoftilities : but what is the love of our Country, if opposed to the law of Christ, but a blind and selfish attachment to that particle of carth on which we firit drew our firft breath, and on which we happen to live."-" Humanity forbids me to desire, that any one might be seduced by alloring promises and specious pretences, into the commission of enormitics, at the bare mention of which my soul shudders with horror, that I may remain easy and secure in my possessions ! And how would my heart blocd, and my mind be ato nized, at the thought of my poorer neighbour's being dragged from his much-loved home on my account ; unwillingly forced from the few comforts he is blessed with - from the most pleasing prospects and engagements of life--the embraces of his dear wife and children, dearer, perhaps, to him than all this world could bestow without them--to leave the innocent and delightful talk of labouring for their support, and be forced into the field of Naughter ; that I may be splendidly attended, and clothed in purple and fine linen, and fare sumptuously--though he who died for the salvation of his both, and whose disciple I profess myself to be, had not where to reft his bead; and, when he laid down his lise, was obliged to the charity of a Jew for a sepulchre to shelter him from the insult of his enemies. The love of our country is, po often, made a fpecious pretence for indulging our ainbition. It serves as a mask, to cover the pride and discontents of one, the tyranny and haughtiness of another, and the interested selfiMnels of all. It is, in fuct, but a popular name for an immoderate self-love, disguised under the fair, but false character, of an ardent desire for the general welfare of our fellow. countrymen.”

And what is this universal philanthropy which our author boasts, but a mask to cover his own discontent and ambition? What is the heart that bleeds"__" the mind agonized” with his poor neighbour's distresses, but an instrument to excite the murmurs of disaffection, and to detach the love of his fellow-subjects from the mildest and best of Kings? Does this benevolent Clergyınan suppose that his aim could



be effected without deluging the land with blood ? No--but, amidft the Naughter of millions, his liberal philosophy would bid him extend his views to future ages, and triumph in the happiness of generations yet unborn. Thus, however, he proceeds, in the same strain of affected sensibility, as a man, and of pretended conscientiousness as a Christian :

" For a nation to send its thousands into the field of battle, or into a foreign land, to meet those enemies, who, otherwile, might become the invaders, is cor mitting a real and certain evil, in order to avoid that which is only supposed and uncertain."-" We are truck with astonishment, to see men, under the profession of Christianity, in all the tinsel pomp of military parade, leading forth Cheir res spective legions against each other, and contending, even to death, for some trifling object--and attempting to jullify their conduct under the specious plea of neceffity."

Here he alludes to an expression which he, himself, has been forced, by authority, to use, in a prayer to the Deity--- we mean, “ juft and necessary war.” If he could not concur with government in the opi. nion of “ the justness and necesity” of the war, he ought to have refigned his gown, and, retiring, in filence, from the church, have left his place for those who may be more worthy of enjoying its emolu.

It was not for him to launch out his anathemas against his loyal brethren, who may have manifested their zeal against the infidel armies, by consecrating the banners of victory, or the standard around which we are to rally, in support of all good government, and of " true religion and virtue !"

" Who (fays he) can avoid being shocked at beholding the cross, apce the emblem of peace and reconciliation to the sons of men, now used to excite, in their bosoms, those diabolical tempers, from which the Lamb of God laid down his life to save us ?-And to heighten the dreadful scene, (Oh! more than foly and madness!) the preachers of Christianity pitching their tenis under the banners of the deltroying angel, and stimulating those who blindly rely on them for saving in. struction, to deeds, at the bare mention of which the heart of humanity recoils, and which fill their unhappy country with widows and orphans! Who can think of these things without lamenting the infatuation, ignorance, and delusion of the present race of Christians, and dreading the aweful effects of such an apostasy from the religion of peace! And Thall we see our fellow-creatures linking, by thousands, into the gulph of error and destruction, and not extend our arm to save those who are yet within our reach ?"

What arrogance and presumption! The effervescence of a proud spirit having spent itself in apostrophes, our author calmly returns to his fophifms.

“ It may be difficult to draw the line between defensive war and that coercion which the civil magistrate should exercise to restrain the unruly from disturbing the peace of their fellow-citizens." (A suspicious word by the way.) “ So hath it been observed ; and it may be difficult to those who suffer themselves to be governed by erroneous principles. If we allow that the civil magistrate has a right, on some occasions, to dispote of the lives of his subjects, it will, then, be difficult : but, if we set aside ik at usurped power over human life, which no mortal can justly affume, the difficulty vanishes in a moment. Here are fixed the limits of man's authority : Thou shalt not kill."-" If man appears not to be endued with any divine authority to take away the life of man, what can inftify the destroying of thousands, uncondemned by any human law ?"—A sailor, in an engagement, having discharged one of the guns, was fruck with the thought : What, if that ball has killed a man!' The thought kept such poslession of his mind, that he was,


ever after, unable to do a similar action.”—"This hand (may the young soldies exclaim) is yet unstained with human blood-but when I return from the field, (if ever I do retur,) can I expect to enjoy this comfortable reflection ? No-the consciousnels of murder may weigh me down to the earth—my busy spirit, even in sleep, may, in horrid visions, be acting, over again, the fatal deeds !!!"

Is not this enough to throw a damp upon the spirits of our foldiers and failors, among whom many hundreds of the pamphlet before us, have, no doubt, been industriously circulated? We scarcely expected that the writer would have been so audacious as to apply his prin. ciples to practical use. Such, however, hath he done in the post. script-advising the British soldiery to lay down their arms, and leave the war, we suppose, to “usurpers," and their blood-thirsty followers :

• Should these pages fall into the hands of any of those mistaken men who are engaged in what is termed the service of their country, they are requested to favour them with a serious perusal."-" Happy would he esteem himself to become the instrument of awakening, in their hearts, those latent suggeltions, which, if attended to, would lead them to lay aside the weapons of carnal warfare."

Let us ask this dogmatical writer, whether our Saviour ever inter. fered with the military establishment of the Roman government, or any government upon earth; or, rather, whether himself and his disciples did not, on all occasions, enforce obedience to the ruling powers ? When the soldiers asked John the Baptist, “what they should do ?” he said unto them, “Do violence to no man, neither accuse any falsely, but be content with your wages." (Luke iii. 4.) Here the Baptist is so far from disapproving, that he condescends to regulate the office and employment of the soldiers. And are we not acquainted with the “ DEVOU I SOLDIER of Cornelius ?” (Acts x. 7.) We shall only add, that this little tract was printed in Corn. wall, and printed with a view to the accommodation of the poorer classes of the people ; fince the paper is of an inferior quality, and a great deal of matter is here compressed within a very small compass.


Art. 1. Lloyd's Letter to the Anti-Jacobin Reviewers. 8vo. Price is.

Arch, Gracechurch Street, London. 1799. IN this Letter, Mr. Lloyd charges us with an unfair review

He censures us for representing him as a political Jacobin, and contends, that our construction of that portion of his book, on which we founded our opinion, is uncandid, and our reasoning inconclusive. We allerted in that review, that though Mr. Lloyd appears friendly to the Christian religion, and is, in several points,



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