tofh's work being ingenious theory, but not practical inculcation, could not be faid to have tended to promote the increafe of Jacobinifm. Indeed, the extent of his views, and the depth of his reafoning (though inconclufive) was fuch as to preclude it from having much influence on the half-brained, half-informed, or completely weak and completely ignorant, as those that are the dupes of jacobinical leaders. On the jacobinical leaders themselves the Vindicia Gallica could have no effect; it fell infinitely fhort of their views and wishes. Mr. Mackintofh's fyftem was not the overthrow of religion, government, and focial order; but a conftitution that proceeded on the fuppofition of much greater wifdom, knowledge, and virtue in mankind, than hiftory and experience had thewn them to poffefs. The dictatorial arrogance of Priestley, endeavouring to affume as much authority over the public, as he had eftablished over the retainers to his own conventicles-the bold declamation, coarse ribaldry, and presumptuous authority of Paine, were, at that time, the most efficacious inftruments of Jacobinifm. The Analytical Reviewers faw that Mr. Mackintofh's performance was by no means a work fo conducive to their object, do not enter fo fully into that work as into those of their creator Priestley, and fellow-labourer Paine. The Monthly, which was really very often a literary review, beftows on the work of Mackintosh more attention, but yet not fo much as upon their favourite Paine. With the zealous efforts of the Reviewers to diffeminate the writings of Paine, Priestley, and inferior abufers of the British conftitution, clubs and focieties powerfully co-operated. The most noted of these focieties were the Revolution and Conftitutional. I do not pretend to be very accurate, as to the hiftory of the origin of thefe focieties, nor of their hiftory, previous to the revolution in France. I believe the revolution club was inftituted for the purpose of commemorating the revolution of 1688, and that fome of the members had not their object for the profeffed purpose. Several perfons, however, whofe notions by no means coincided with the principles of the revolution, 1688, either originally were, or became members. From Mr. Burke's Reflections it appears that Dr. Price was one of the leading in that club. The club having met November 4th, 1789, the first anniversary of our revolution after the overthrow of the old government of France, Dr. Price preached a fermon containing a political creed, totally inconfiftent with the principles of the British conftitution, or, indeed, of any regular government; ftrongly preffing on his hearers his own vifionary theory of the origin of civil liberty, exulting in the overthrow of the French monarchy, and celebrating their adoption of his favourite notions of Equality and the Rights of Man. His votaries afterwards at the tavern, infpired by the exhortations of the conven ical tribune, and afterwards by the Crown and Anchor wine, thought it incumbent on them to justify to the National Affembly their very high approbation of the anti-monarchial and anti-hierarchial proceedings, intimating that Britons in general would, they trufted, be fo enlightened as to feek the fame laudable objects; declaring that many Q3 many were now fo difpofed, and vindicating to themselves not un juftly the merit of indefatigable activity and perfeverance in their efforts to produce fo defirable a change in this country. This fermon and the confequent tavern refolutions, both praifing France, and holding her up as a model for the imitation of England, toge ther with the general principles which produced fuch overt acts, alarmed Burke, earneftly defirous of preferving our excellent conftitution. The Conftitutional Society was, it appears, inftituted about the clofe of the American war, for the profeffed purpofe of diffeminating conftitutional information by means of cheap editions of publications, purported to be adapted to that object. Part of the conftitutional information circulated, was all that could be collected on the subject of parliamentary reform, and feveral of the members of the fociety were the avowed champions of univerfal fuffrage and annual parliaments. After the French revolution, the doctrines of the Conftitutional Society, as well as thofe of the revolution club, received a deep tinge from those of the continental republicans and levellers. From that time they either became, or fhewed themselves, probably fome members the former, others the latter, both more democratical and more explicit in their democratical principles. One notion they foon feemed to have imbibed from the Jacobins, which was, that clubs of individuals, were to direct, and, indeed, dictate the measures of the legiflator, and all the branches of government. From the Jacobins alfo, they borrowed an idea naturally refulting from fuch a project of club government, affiliation of clubs. To increase the numbers of the clubs fo affiliated, and of the indivividuals compofing the feveral knots of the affiliation, the diffemination of writings containing their own fentiments, with the most plaufible and delufive reafons for them, was a very natural expedient for any propagandifts by perfuafion; accordingly the clubifts, with much activity, fpreading inferior vehicles of the levelling doctrines, laboured moft inceffantly for the circulation of Tom Paine's Rights of Man. In 1792 the speculative doctrines of Paine had, from their own nature and tendency, aflifted by the Reviewers, Clubs, and Societies, (their operation having been facilitated by the preparatory efforts of conventical demagogues, and other difaffected perfons,) made fuch way, that Thomas conceived it high time to proceed to practical precepts and exhortations. Accordingly, early in that year, he brought out the Second Part of his Rights of Man. (To be continued.). HISTORY. HISTORY. SUMMARY OF POLITICS, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC. ΑΝ N accurate detail of military operations comes not regularly within the plan of a political Summary, the object of which is to mark the effects of public tranfactions upon the general fyftem, and briefly to trace the actual fituation of affairs, where any change has been atchieved by the medium of recent events. It cannot be expected that the fhort interval of a month will, at all times, fuffice to produce an alteration, either in the general complexion of things, or in the particular fate of individual powers, though the present times, it must be confeffed, are fertile in important occurrences, and Europe is brought to a crifis the termination of which must fix her fate, and the fate of " ages yet unborn." Proportioned, however, to the extent of fuch alteration, or to the variety of caufes which must combine to produce it, must be our monthly obfervations. In our last Summary we had to notice a rapid fucceffion of victories, on the part of the allies, in Italy, which ended in the total expulfion of the French from the Milanefe. The former, aware of the importance of celerity in their movements, and undifmayed by the courage which their enemy had difplayed, wifely and boldly refolved to push forward into Piedmont. Surmounting every obftacle, General SUWARROW has fecured most of the ftrong fortreffes of Piedmont, and has taken poffeffion of the capital itfelf;" while the people of the country, exulting in their liberation from the most galling yoke that was ever inflicted on a nation, have fled to arms, and exercised fevere acts of retribution on their profligate oppreffors. Pefchiera, and the caftle of Milan, having been furrendered to the allies, the only places of strength now remaining in the hands of the French, in the countries occupied by their enemies, are Mantua, Aleffandria, and the citadel of Turin. While we commend the spirit, the fkill, and the energy which have fo remarkably diftinguifhed all the efforts of the Auftrians and Ruffians, fince the commencement of the campaign, we cannot but exprefs our furprize at the terms of capitulation accorded to the republican troops, who have been suffered to return to France, on condition of not ferving against the allies, fome for twelve, others for only fix, months. That men, who have long been released from all the ties of religion, the restraints of law, and the bonds of moral obligation, will immediately take up arms again, (if fo difpofed,) there can, we conceive, be but little doubt. But even admitting their adherence to the conditions prefcribed, we ftill muft confider these as impolitie, fince they enable the Directory to employ them in the interior of the Republic, where, in the present state of affairs, they must necelfarily keep a military force, and directly fend thofe troops which are now ftationed there to act against the allies. In Switzerland, the main army of the Auftrians, whose gallant commander appears, at length, to have emancipated himself from the difgraceful trammels impofed by the Aulic Council of War,* have refumed offenfive operations, and, in fpirit, activity, and skill, nobly emulate their brethren in Italy. Different actions were fought from the 25th of May to the 4th of June, in which equal valour was difplayed by the affailants and defendants; the result of them, however, has proved highly favourable to the Auftrians, who have fucceffively driven the enemy from the Banks of the Rhine, the Thor, the Tofs, the Glat, and the Limmat. Maffena, after abandoning his entrenched camp, in front of Zurich, a camp immensely ftrong by nature and by art, did not dare to take the pofition which he had announced his intention of taking to the Directory, on Mount Albis, a chain of hills, covered with thick forefts, and extending from the little canton of Zug to the confines of Zurich, but, pursuing a different course, pufhed onwards to Baden, a town at the extremity of the canton of Berne, which, it is probable, he has, ere this, been compelled to evacuate, as the ARCHDUKĘ CHARLES, when the laft accounts came away, had established his head-quarters at Zurich, and his advanced guard, under General NAUENDORF, are faid to have driven in the out-posts of the French. At Frauenfeld, the refidence of many Swiss Jacobins, the Austrians were fired upon from the houses, but their Commander, in whose bofom humanity and valour have equal fway, far from imitating the fanguinary conduct of the French, who, on fimilar occafions, and without the fame excuse, have repeatedly reduced whole villages to * It is a fact but little known, though well authenticated, that at an early period of the campaign, the ARCHDUKE CHARLESs fent fome orders to GENERAL BELLEGARDE, refpecting the movements of the corps under his immediate command, which were not obeyed. Upon thefe orders being repeated in a more peremptory manner, the General produced fecret inftructions from the Aulic Council, in juftification of his difobedience. The ARCHDUKE, difgufted at a proceeding fo infulting to himself, and so injurious to the cause, immediately dif patched a courier to Vienna, with letters to his royal brother, expreffive of his determination to refign his command. The EMPEROR, however, fortunately, viewed the tranfaction in a proper light, and exercifing more vigour than he has been generally accustomed to display, annulled the refolutions of the council, and wrote a fatisfactory answer to his brother, which induced him to continue at the head of the army. It was the vexation which the ARCHDUKE experienced on this account which occationed that illness on which fo many animadverfions were made at the time. It was the return of an epileptic affection to which he had been formerly fubject, but from which he had felt no inconvenience for two years before. We know fo much of the fcandalous intrigues of this Council of War, who, were they even disposed to judge fairly, which is by no means the cafe, would be totally incompetent, fituated as they are, at a confiderable diftance from the scene of action, to direct the operations of the war; we are in poffeffion of fo many circumftances relative to its undue interference, and most shameful conduct, in various refpects, in former campaigns, that we moft fincerely wish to fèe it annihilated. The EMPEROR, we are perfuaded, cannot confult his own honour, nor the real interefts of his country, more effectually than by fupprefling a council whofe proceedings tend to tarnish the one, and injure the other. afhes, age ashes, and After the action near Zurich, on the 4th of June, Maffena fent two thoufand of his wounded men, in waggons, to Bafil; but when they arrived in that city, they found that this General, and his mafters, the Directory, who are ever fo prodigal of the lives of their troops, in the field, had not even taken thofe common precautions prowhich no commander, no government, is known to neglect, of viding for their cure and their comfort when maimed in their fervice. Not a hospital had been prepared for their reception, nor had medical attendance and medical ftores been fupplied. In fhort, the unfortunate men were expofed, for a long time, in the streets,. writhing with pain, and uttering the loudeft, and most juft, execrations against their officers, and against the Directory! Meanwhile the interior of France exhibits a most curious and. interesting scene. The Directory, who have hitherto ruled, with an iron fceptre, over a nation of fpiritlefs flaves, now tremble in their turn, and their throne, founded in blood, and supported by terror, totters to its very bafis. But, it must not be fuppofed, that the fears which these regicides experience are infpired by the partifans of royalty! No, the only enemies which they have, at prefent, to encounter at home, are the Jacobins. In fhort, the Jacobins form the only party in France, and, jealous of the Directory, whom they confider as deferters from the ftandard of Jacobinifm, they exult in every reverse of fortune which contributes to their humiliation; they rejoice in the defeat of the armies, because they think it will difguft the troops who have hitherto been the supporters of their rivals; and even wish to establish their own power on the ruins of the country. At the last election they obtained a decided preference, which has given them a preponderance in the councils, that enables them to fruftrate all the efforts of the Directory to controul their proceedings, or contract their influence. They have already thrown down the gauntlet, by a meffage to the Directory and a proclamation to the people, both voted, in the Council of Five Hundred, on the 5th day of June. In the former, all the difafters abroad are, by infinuation, at least, afcribed to the Governors at home, and the filence of the Directory on the state of public affairs, is intimated to be a neglect of duty, and a violation of a constitutional principle. In the latter, the people are exhorted to attend to the fafety of the ftate, proclaimed to be in danger, and to prepare themselves for the adoption of those strong measures which can alone preferve their darling Republic from deftruction. Matters are thus haftening to a crifis, which, terminate as it will, must be productive of fresh calamities to that diftracted and defolated counIf the Directory prevail over their enemies, the fcene of September, 1797, will be nenewed, the legislative bodies faft bound in perpetual try. |