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every reafon to expect a juft and ho-
nourable Adminiftration. But
you the
people, must enable him to do you fer-
vice. If you will throw unreasonable
obftacles in his way the lofs will be your
own. There are many, very many who
will rejoice to see you clog the wheels of
government. Their corrupt fervices
would then become neceffary, and what is
no less true, than whimfical---you would
pay for them.

We the People are one third of the Conftitution. For various reafons, it is impoffible we fhould all meet together to deliberate, and therefore the Commons. Houfe of Parliament is to represent us. Let us try whether we are, or are not represented, for we must not be deceived by founds.

The Houfe of Commons confifts of three hundred members. There are sixty

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four of them fent by the counties; the remainder by cities and boroughs. The fixty-four from counties, are in fome measure, in the option of the people, and as many more from the cities and horoughs, may, by an exertion of the people, be freely chofen. Suppofing this a fair calculation, and I apprehend it is not far wrong, the people by poffibility can only fend one hundred and twentyeight members to Parliament. What is called fnug boroughs fend the remaining one hundred and feventy-two. These fnug boroughs are the property of a few Lords and Commoners, and being the majority, the Houfe of Commons, as it now ftands, is the reprefentative of an Ariftocracy. It is to that point that Government was long tending, and neither to enlarge the prerogative of the Crown nor the power of the People. Let the Crown then and the People unite, and restore the Constitution.

Let

Let us fee the effect of this abufe. A Lord Lieutenant lands with every wish to ferve Ireland-Parliament meetsthe Commons, who are in fact nearly the representatives of the Lords will not support Government, unless tified with this place, and that penfion. On these terms the business of Government may be done-but then the people look for retrenchment-and if retrench

gra

ment is given, Parliament cannot be gratified-and if not gratified, the neceffary bufinefs cannot be done.

What part then is left for the people? Ifay if you wish for retrenchment fupport Government-inftruct even that minority of members which you fend, to where you ought to fend all, to fupport Government. But if no experience will teach and you, will for ever liften to any man, who calls himself a patriotif you will for ever blindly oppose all Government, no matter whether good or

you

M 2

bad,

bad, it is you that keep up useless places and unneceffary penfions-It is you who make taxation burthenfome,--and you are the inftruments of your own deftruation.

your

Change then conduct for oncejudge of Government by its works, but place a confidence in it, till thofe works are feen. See whether this will not bring round that retrenchment which you look for it is an experiment worth your making.

This for the present, is the conduct I recommend. But there is one object I would have you uniformly keep in view; and if attained, trouble yourselves no more with politics, except at ftated times, when you are to renew your de legation.

The

The celebrated Montefquieu, ftudied Government perhaps more than any other man that ever lived. The refult was, that he declared the British Conftitution the wifeft in the world. That Conftitution is ours, and let it be our care to make it, and to keep it, perfect.

The Conftitution confifts of King, Lords and Commons-each has its particular function----and its perfection is, when each performs its proper duties--The King acts in perfon--the Lords in perfon---and the People by their Reprefentatives.-----If the People are not fully and fairly represented, fo far the Conftitution is impaired.---That it is at this moment fo impaired, is felf-evident.-The King and the Lords are both miftaken, if they think this adds to their happiness. The purity of the Conftitution must be moft advantageous to all.

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