were again perpetrated, he would at once return to the continent. Such was the man who was now unanimously declared, by the northern Irish, to be the head and leader of the Catholic confederacy.

About this time the Earl of Leven arrived in the north, with a large force, which increased the Scottish army there to 10,000 men. The entire force, belonging to the government, in the province of Ulster, now amounted to 20,000 foot and 1,000 horse; so that Leven was able, had he been disposed to make the effort, at once to crush the raw levies of O'Neill. But he contented himself with addressing a letter to the Irish general, expressing his concern that a man of his reputation should have come to Ireland for the maintenance of so bad a canse. O'Neill replied that he had better reason for coming to the relief of his country than Leven had for entering England in arms against his king. As if this had been the sole object of Leven's expedition, he retired, and returned to Scotland, leaving the command to Monroe,-assuring him, on his departure, that if Owen O'Neill succeeded in assembling an army, he (Monroe) might expect a total overthrow! The Irish were much encouraged by the retreat of Leven, and proceeded to collect and organize their forces, and, while the royal and parliamentary armies remained cooped up in the towns, suffering the extremities of want and famine, the confederates were enabled to repossess themselves of many places of strength and consequence, and to range, freely and undisputed, the open country at their will. Several vessels also arrived from abroad, laden with arms and ammunition, and bringing home an immense number of experienced officers and soldiers, who had been discharged the French service by Cardinal Richelieu, and sent into Ireland to the aid of their struggling countrymen.

The Confederates, who now held possession of nearly all Ireland, resolved to organize a civil government; and in this excellent work the Catholic clergy took the lead. Although several Protestant writers have ascribed the insurrection of 1641 to the intriguings of the priests, there is no evidence whatever in support of the allegation. On the contrary, all the authentic documents of the period show, that they were not even privy to the schemes of the original promoters of the movement, and were never admitted to any of their meetings. It was only after the barbarous cruelties inflicted by Sir Charles Coote upon their order, and the repeated avowals of the agents of the goverment of their determination to extirpate them and their flocks, that they resolved upon throwing themselves heartily into the ranks of the confederates. Indeed, they had no other alternative: they must either resist, or be extirpated: they must either take part with the Catholic people, or resign themselves to the sword of the exterminator. Belonging also, as they did, to the Irish people, sympathising with them, suffering with them,triumphing with them, the Catholic priesthood were impelled no

less by feelings of affection and sympathy, than of duty and justice, to aid the Irish in their struggle against spiritual and civil despotism. Accordingly, in March, 1642, the Roman Catholic bishop of Ulster assembled a provincial synod at Kells, and declared the insurrection justifiable on every principle of national law and religion. Contrary to those slavish principles of passive obedience to tyranny, which had become ingrafted in the public mind, they inculcated that the right of resistance in self-defence, was not only constitutional and justifiable, but that in certain cases, of which the present was one, it was a bounden and imperative Christian duty.

A National Synod of the clergy, held at Kilkenny in the subsequent month of May, confirmed these resolutions, and declared the Irish war to be just and necessary. They ordained the abolition of all distinctions between the native Irish and the old English. They declared that they would defend and uphold the royal authority, though they would not now obey the king's orders, until they were certified by his own agents of his real intentions, believing him to be only an unwilling instrument in the hands of his enemies. They denounced neutrality, and prohibited, under pain of severe penalties, all injury or retaliation inflicted on Protestants or others adversary to their cause. They upheld the free exercise of the Catholic religion, without claiming for themselves any exclusive privilege over others; and, finally, they ordained that the local government should be carried on by means of provincial assemblies, composed of the laity and clergy, while the chief authority should be lodged in a national council, to which the others should be subordinate. Such were the chief acts of this important Catholic assembly;-how different, in their spirit from the bigotted, sanguinary, and intolerant decrees, promulgated by the "Protestant" council at Dublin ! We look in vain, in the resolutions of the Catholic body, for evidences of that persecuting and illiberal spirit which has been so generally ascribed to them in this country. On the other hand, we see in them the resolutions of men, guided by an eminently charitable and Christian spirit; and, framed as if in entire forgetfulness of the bitter provocations they had received, and the ignominious insults that had been heaped upon them.

The General Assembly of the whole Nation, through means of their representatives, took place at Kilkenny in the following October. They consisted of deputies from the several counties and principal towns of every province in Ireland. This constituted the lower house, resembling the Commons house of parliament. There was also another house, analogous to our Upper house, consisting of the Irish temporal peers and prelates. Both, however, sat and deliberated in the same chamber; the lords having their places of retirement for private consultation, and the result of their deliberations being regularly communicated to the commons. The proceedings of this noble body were of the most orderly and indeed solemn description. They were highly honourable to them, and will bear

comparison with those of any other body assembled under similar circumstances. They protested that they did not assume the powers and authorities of a regular parliament, but were merely a general meeting for the regulation of the public affairs, until the present troubles should be settled. They proposed to accept the common law of England and the statutes of Ireland as their rule of government, so far as they were not contrary to the national religion or the national liberties. They declared their resolution to maintain the rights and immunities of the national church (the Roman Catholic) agreeably to the great charter. The administration of public justice they assumed to themselves. To each county they allotted a council, consisting of twelve persons, who were to decide all matters cognizable by justices of the peace, pleas of the crown, and suits of debt and personal actions. From these there lay an appeal to the provincial councils, consisting of two deputies out of each county, who were to meet four times a year, and hold courts somewhat like those of judges of assize. From these again there lay an appeal to "The Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics of Ireland." This body consisted of twenty-four persons, chosen by the general convention; and exercised all the functions of the executive government, such as choosing the Sheriffs nominated by the provincial councils, commanding all military officers and civil magistrates, determining all matters left undecided by the general assembly, directing the conduct of war, and every matter relative to the interest of the confederacy. No fewer than nine members were to compose a council, and of those present, a majority of twothirds was required to decide on any measure. For the honour and security of this important body, a guard was assigned, consisting of five hundred foot, and two hundred horse.

Soon after this arrangement had been completed, the provincial generals were chosen: Owen Roe O'Neill for Ulster; Preston for Leinster; Garret Barry for Munster; and Colonel John Burke for Connaught. Several of the leading men in the rebellion were purposely overlooked; particularly Sir Phelim O'Neill and Roger Moore. The death of the latter, which occurred shortly after, at Kilkenny, probably was not displeasing to the Confederates.

Great success attended the confederate forces in the course of their first campaign: Owen O'Neill defeated Monro in Ulster. Lord Castlehaven, who had been driven into the Catholie ranks by the lords-justices, together with Lord Muskerry, obtained a victory over Sir Charles Vavasour in Munster, and confined Lord Inchiquin to his garrison. Ormond could make no head against the confederate force in Leinster; and Connaught was entirely at their disposal. Such was the state of affairs, when the rebellion in England broke out, and shortly after, the relative position of parties was again completely changed.

LELAND, vol. iii, p. 183.

CHAPTER XV.

Position of affairs in England-Commencement of the civil war-Affairs in Ireland The Marquis of Ormond-Negociation with the Catholic confederates- A cessation made-Intolerance of the English Parliament-The cessation broken by Monroe in Ulster-Wily and selfish policy of Ormond-The Catholics make overtures to the king-Temper of the Protestant party-Revolt of Lord Inchiquin-His atrocities-Temporizing conduct of Charles-Conduct of Catholics and Protestants contrasted-Irish troops sent over to Scotland and England-The confederates press Ormond to declare war against the Parliamentary troops-He refusesCharles's duplicity-Ormond sees through it-Charles sends the Earl of Glamorgan to conclude a peace-A private treaty formed-Is published-Glamorgan seized and imprisoned-Rinunccini, the Pope's nuncio His unreasonable demands -Negociations of Charles.

A COMPLETE rupture had by this time taken place between Charles and his English subjects. The king had now alienated from his cause the great mass of the right-thinking, sober, and industrious people of England. From open tyranny he had proceeded to secret plotting against the popular party. He had made promises only to break them, and granted concessions only to gain time for the more effectual maintenance of his despotic authority. The Parliament found that they had a man to deal with whom no ties could bind, whose honour had been a hundred times pledged and never redeemed. The time was now come, when the people must either trust the tyrant, or conquer him; and they chose the latter alternative. The middle classes felt for their swords, and the king assembled his adherents to put them down. He erected his standard at Nottingham, and, shortly after, the first blood was drawn by Prince Rupert in the neighbourhood of Worcester. From that time the civil war raged for years with varying success,-king fighting against parliament, subjects against subjects, and often brothers against brothers, -until the star of Charles went finally down, and the people's liberties culminated in the ascendant.

The out-break of the great civil war in England placed the belligerent parties in Ireland in a new position. The Earl of Ormond, a loyalist, greatly in favour with Charles, immediately found himself in opposition to the parliament, and their creatures the Irish lordsjustices; the army for the most part adhering to the royal cause. On the other hand, the lords-justices, deserted by the army, were under the necessity of denouncing them as "rebels," as they had already done the English Catholics of the Pale and the native Irish. The king invested Ormond with the sole command of the army, looking chiefly to his assistance for the reëstablishment of his power. As the parliamentary party looked to Scotland for aid to their cause, so did Charles look to his long-oppressed and persecuted Irish subjects. A consciousness of weakness now impelled the king to treat with the confederated Catholics, whom he and his servants

had so lately forced into rebellion. He was leagued with the Catholic party in England, and in his time of need he bethought himself of making allies of that portion of his Irish subjects, whom he had so repeatedly insulted and plundered, from the time of Strafford downwards. The too easily duped Catholics, imagining that the long-expected "Graces" were at last about to be granted, eagerly listened to the overtures of Ormond, who was at heart an implacable enemy to their religion.

The lords-justices strenuously opposed this proposed negociation, on the one hand; and the native Irish, the allies of the confederates, as strongly opposed it, on the other. The former exclaimed violently against any negociation with rebels and papists; the latter remonstrated against its extreme impolicy. The whole country was at their disposal; and most of the chief towns and fortified places were in their hands. Their army was in admirable condition, well officered, and abundantly supplied with provisions and ammunition; while that of the enemy was starved, and mutinous for want of pay. A prosecution of the war for a short period longer, promised an effectual accomplishment of the objects of their association. Why should they now accede to the demand to lay down their arms, or to treat with the enemy, when on the very eve of complete success? The negociations with Ormond, however, went on; and the Irish, who saw that they were about to be sacrificed, protested against the treachery; but the English Catholic party formed the majority in the council, and overruled all their opposition. A cessation of arms was at length signed; the dexterous Ormond stipulating for a supply of £30,000 for the king, one-half to be paid in money, and the other half in cattle. At the same time, Ormond resisted all proposals for a final arrangement, rejecting every proposal advantageous to the Catholics, and especially to the "mere Irish," who, feeling they had been betrayed, vented their indignation on the supposed authors of their treachery. To their honour, however, they adhered to the treaty with the most religious scrupulosity.

The above arrangement, savouring, as it did, of "compromise with Popery," which was at this time hated in England with a kind of insane fervour, may be considered to have sealed the destruction of the king, at the same time that it proved the ruin of the confederates. No sooner was the cessation of hostilities made known in England, than the two houses of parliament declared against it, as part of the royal scheme for establishing Popery, and rooting up the Protestant religion. They would have no such condescensions shown to impious and barbarous idolaters! Their partizans in Dublin at the same time forwarded to them the most scandalous misrepresentations of public affairs, which the English people and parliament, too much engaged in their own desperate struggle, had not leisure, even if they had the desire, to inquire into. But they readily seized the opportunity of inflaming still