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CONTENTS OF VOLUME
Egypt, Europe, and Mr. Gladstone. By Henry Dunckley
Untrodden Italy. By Professor Mahaffy
II. Fiction. By Julia Wedgwood
The British Association at Montreal. By Principal Grant.
By Emile de Laveleye
I. Ecclesiastical History. By Professor G. T. Stokes
The Conflict with the Lords. By Goldwin Smith
Some Early Writings of Shelley. By Professor Dowden
Science and Religion. By William Barry, D.D.
The Late Duke of Wellington. By the Rev. H. R. Haweis
A Bihari Mill Song. By Edwin Arnold, C.S.I.
Further Thoughts on Apparitions. By the Bishop of Carlisle
Contemporary Life and Thought in Italy. By Giovanni Boglietti
Contemporary Records :-
I. Mental Philosophy. By Professor Seth
II. Social Philosophy. By John Rae
III. General Literature .
Reform of the House of Lords. By E. A. Freeman, D.C.L.
United States. By Professor C. K. Adams
II. Oriental History. By Professor Sayce
Railway Rates and British Trade. By James S. Beale
II. Fiction. By Julia Wedgewood
I. Modern History. By Canon Creighton .
III. Ecclesiastical History. By Professor G. T. Stokes
IV. General Literature .
EGYPT, EUROPE, AND MR. GLADSTONE.
YOME considerable change of opinion has taken place within the
last two years as to what should be the proper aim and end of our presence in Egypt. We went there, in redemption of pledges given, perhaps in no propitious hour, to the Khedive, to put down Arabi and restore order. This is the account we were asked to accept of the Alexandria expedition. It was no doubt an honest account, covering all that the Government had in view, and it was held to be sufficient. Among the Liberal party there were many who doubted the expediency of a military intervention. Their scruples were silenced by the assurance that its sole object was to deal with a temporary though pressing emergency, and that the moment order was re-established we should make haste to leave the Egyptians to themselves. No protest was raised in any quarter against the insufficiency of this assurance. It was received with general satisfaction.
Very different expectations have sprung up since then. We know, of course, that order is not yet re-established in Egypt. We know on the contrary that a plentiful disorder prevails, and that in some respects things are even worse than they were. Hence the time fixed for the evacuation of Egypt cannot be held to have arrived. On that point there is but one opinion. But many are looking further ahead. They are asking what is to be done when present difficulties have been overcome, and the reply they are inclined to give is that we must not leave Egypt at all. There we are and there we must remain. The words which alone would appropriately describe our future relations to Egypt were this plan carried out are uttered with some shyness. Annexation or a protectorate meets with few avowed defenders. The boldest critics of the Government stop half-way. They blame them for not doing more, but they do not venture to say
what that "more" should be. They content themselves for the most part with vague commonplaces. The Government are told that it is high time for them to see the facts as they are, that power implies responsibility, that there cannot be two supreme authorities at Cairo, and that it is their duty either to leave Egypt at once, which it is alleged they cannot do, or to take things into their own hands. The conclusion involved in these criticisms is that the native Ministers should be got rid of and Englishmen put into their place. The Khedive might go or stay, it would matter but little. What is certain is that he would never be able to resume his old position as the ruler of Egypt.
Nor could he ever set up again the fabric we had thrown down. By the consequences of our own acts we should be obliged to remain. In this way Egypt would become ours. The train is nicely laid. All the proprieties are consulted. No violence is done to our international obligations of malice prepense.
On this point it is expected that the most sensitive of consciences will be able to enjoy repose. Egypt will have fallen to us by the operations of those laws which, though cortrived by politicians, are held to express the will of the Supreme.
In some of the organs of the press we find these extreme results already discounted. Egypt, we are told, is as much ours as India. Cairo is to us as Calcutta, and Alexandria as Bombay. The future is anticipated, and everything seems to be in the best working order. The Khedive is on the throne; we have not had the heart to turn him adrift, and he has every wish to stay. The native Ministers are all amiable, all submissive. They have unlearned the arts of intrigue and changed their eastern natures. They are devoted to England, and hang on the lips of the Resident who dictates orders in her
Or perhaps-for the imagination is never shut up to one picture-every trace of native rule has vanished from Cairo. The Khedive is living on a pension in Kent, and figures at Court receptions along with the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh. The Pashas have been packed off to Constantinople or been sent to share in Arabi's exile at Ceylon. The English flag waves at Alexandria and Port Said, and an English Viceroy holds Court at Cairo. In either case Egypt is ours just as much as India. It is part of the blissful vision that France is reconciled to this transfer of territory to her rival, and that Europe rejoices to see a respectable Power established in solid supremacy on the Nile.
There is something extremely fascinating in these dreams of a brilliant destiny peacefully fulfilled. The love of empire is in our bones. Hence we are hardly to be trusted with such temptations ; our patriotism is apt to take fire at once. If a regard for principles or consistency prevents our yielding to the spell, if some sense of shame keeps us from avowing our secret wishes, we nevertheless roll