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Baumtyne Press BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO., EDINBURGH

CHANDOS STREET, LONDON

CONTENTS OF VOLUME

VOLUME XLVI.

Egypt, Europe, and Mr. Gladstone. By Henry Dunckley
The Great Political Superstition. By Herbert Spencer
The Visible Universe. By Professor Balfour Stewart .
• The Proto-Helvetians. By William Westall
Official Optimism. By Francis Peek

Untrodden Italy. By Professor Mahaffy

• Wren's Work and its Lessons. By James Cubitt

Parliament and

the Foreign Policy of India. By John Slagg, M.P.

Contemporary Life and Thought in France. By Gabriel Monod

Contemporary Records :-

I. Modern History. By Canon Creighton

II. Fiction. By Julia Wedgwood

III. General Literature.

144
149
156

AUGUST, 1884.

Goethe. I. By Professor J. R. Seeley

Leo XIII. By R. Bonghi

Technical Instruction in America. By J. H. Rigg, D.D.

Christianity

and the Equality of the Sexes. By the Rev. J. Llewelyn Davies

The British Association at Montreal. By Principal Grant.
Party Government. By Matthew Macfie
Gold-Worship. By Dr. F. A. Paley
· The Political Crisis. By H. D. Traill, D.C.L.
Contemporary Life and Thought in Belgium : The Liberal Defeat and its Causes.

By Emile de Laveleye

Contemporary Records :-

161

178

208

224
235
252
270
278

288

.

I. Ecclesiastical History. By Professor G. T. Stokes
II. Poetry. By W. P. Ker
III. General Literature.

297
304
310

SEPTEMBER, 1884.

The Conflict with the Lords. By Goldwin Smith
The Purgatorio of Dante. By the Dean of Wells
Sea Stories. By W. Clark Russell
House-Boarders and Day-Boys. By H. Lee Warner
Jacob's Answer to Esau's Cry. By the Rev. Brooke Lambert

Some Early Writings of Shelley. By Professor Dowden

Science and Religion. By William Barry, D.D.

The Late Duke of Wellington. By the Rev. H. R. Haweis

A Bihari Mill Song. By Edwin Arnold, C.S.I.

Further Thoughts on Apparitions. By the Bishop of Carlisle

Contemporary Life and Thought in Italy. By Giovanni Boglietti

Contemporary Records :-

I. Mental Philosophy. By Professor Seth

II. Social Philosophy. By John Rae

III. General Literature .

313

322

343

364

373

383

397

414

420

423

436

451

458

463

Reform of the House of Lords. By E. A. Freeman, D.C.L.
Goethe. II. By Professor J. R. Seeley
Socialism as Government. By H. d. Taine
Flying and Balloon Steering. By Henry Coxwell
The Americans Painted by Themselves. By Lady Verney .
A National School of Forestry. By Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P.
Mechanical Modes of Worship. By C. F. Gordon Cumming
Redistribution: Electoral Districts. By A. B. Forwood
Contemporary Life and Thought in the

United States. By Professor C. K. Adams

Contemporary Records :-

I. Apologetic Theology. By Prebendary Row

II. Oriental History. By Professor Sayce

III. General Literature .

617

635

653

673

682
687
704
714
718
739

753
757
764

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I. Modern History. By Canon Creighton .
II. Art. By Harry Quilter.

III. Ecclesiastical History. By Professor G. T. Stokes

IV. General Literature .

895

902

907

914

EGYPT, EUROPE, AND MR. GLADSTONE.

SOME

YOME considerable change of opinion has taken place within the

last two years as to what should be the proper aim and end of our presence in Egypt. We went there, in redemption of pledges given, perhaps in no propitious hour, to the Khedive, to put down Arabi and restore order. This is the account we were asked to accept of the Alexandria expedition. It was no doubt an honest account, covering all that the Government had in view, and it was held to be sufficient. Among the Liberal party there were many who doubted the expediency of a military intervention. Their scruples were silenced by the assurance that its sole object was to deal with a temporary though pressing emergency, and that the moment order was re-established we should make haste to leave the Egyptians to themselves. No protest was raised in any quarter against the insufficiency of this assurance. It was received with general satisfaction.

Very different expectations have sprung up since then. We know, of course, that order is not yet re-established in Egypt. We know on the contrary that a plentiful disorder prevails, and that in some respects things are even worse than they were. Hence the time fixed for the evacuation of Egypt cannot be held to have arrived. On that point there is but one opinion. But many are looking further ahead. They are asking what is to be done when present difficulties have been overcome, and the reply they are inclined to give is that we must not leave Egypt at all. There we are and there we must remain. The words which alone would appropriately describe our future relations to Egypt were this plan carried out are uttered with some shyness. Annexation or a protectorate meets with few avowed defenders. The boldest critics of the Government stop half-way. They blame them for not doing more, but they do not venture to say

VOL. XLVI.

B

what that "more" should be. They content themselves for the most part with vague commonplaces. The Government are told that it is high time for them to see the facts as they are, that power implies responsibility, that there cannot be two supreme authorities at Cairo, and that it is their duty either to leave Egypt at once, which it is alleged they cannot do, or to take things into their own hands. The conclusion involved in these criticisms is that the native Ministers should be got rid of and Englishmen put into their place. The Khedive might go or stay, it would matter but little. What is certain is that he would never be able to resume his old position as the ruler of Egypt.

Nor could he ever set up again the fabric we had thrown down. By the consequences of our own acts we should be obliged to remain. In this way Egypt would become ours. The train is nicely laid. All the proprieties are consulted. No violence is done to our international obligations of malice prepense.

On this point it is expected that the most sensitive of consciences will be able to enjoy repose. Egypt will have fallen to us by the operations of those laws which, though cortrived by politicians, are held to express the will of the Supreme.

In some of the organs of the press we find these extreme results already discounted. Egypt, we are told, is as much ours as India. Cairo is to us as Calcutta, and Alexandria as Bombay. The future is anticipated, and everything seems to be in the best working order. The Khedive is on the throne; we have not had the heart to turn him adrift, and he has every wish to stay. The native Ministers are all amiable, all submissive. They have unlearned the arts of intrigue and changed their eastern natures. They are devoted to England, and hang on the lips of the Resident who dictates orders in her

Or perhaps-for the imagination is never shut up to one picture-every trace of native rule has vanished from Cairo. The Khedive is living on a pension in Kent, and figures at Court receptions along with the Maharajah Dhuleep Singh. The Pashas have been packed off to Constantinople or been sent to share in Arabi's exile at Ceylon. The English flag waves at Alexandria and Port Said, and an English Viceroy holds Court at Cairo. In either case Egypt is ours just as much as India. It is part of the blissful vision that France is reconciled to this transfer of territory to her rival, and that Europe rejoices to see a respectable Power established in solid supremacy on the Nile.

There is something extremely fascinating in these dreams of a brilliant destiny peacefully fulfilled. The love of empire is in our bones. Hence we are hardly to be trusted with such temptations ; our patriotism is apt to take fire at once. If a regard for principles or consistency prevents our yielding to the spell, if some sense of shame keeps us from avowing our secret wishes, we nevertheless roll

name.

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