came to tell me that there were two gentlemen waiting in the other room to see me. To my surprise one of them introduced the other as the Crown Prince of Denmark. But I had scarcely got him into my hands as a pupil when he was snatched away by the SchleswigHolstein War.2

3

My excellent friend Dr. Acland, the Professor of Medicine, in whose house many a pleasant evening was passed, went with the Prince to Canada. He was very affable, and not very guarded. At a ball at Quebec he was accosted by a stranger of gentlemanly manner, who drew him into conversation about the Prince. He said that the Prince was extremely amiable, but had not the brains of his brother, the Duke of Edinburgh. When the stranger went away, some one asked Acland whether he knew to whom he had been talking. Acland said that he did not. "That was the correspondent of the New York Herald." A day or two afterwards the Prince came down to breakfast flourishing in his hand a copy of the New York Herald and saying, "Acland, I see that you think I am very amiable, but I have not the brains of my brother Edinburgh." This shows his good nature.

4

In Canada, Oronyatekha, the Great that was to be, was introduced to Acland as a decided proof of Indian

[The present King Frederik VIII.]

[2 1864.]

[3 Afterwards Sir Henry Wentworth Acland. 1815-1900.]

[ Dr. Oronyatekha was afterwards Supreme Chief Ranger of the Independent Order of Foresters. Born 1841; died 1907.]

capacity. Acland, always kind, and apt to be gushing, told Oronyatekha that they must have him at Oxford. Some time afterwards, thanks, I believe, to the liberality of the Prince, when Acland was at Oxford, Oronyatekha appeared. Acland entered him at what was then Magdalen Hall and is now Hertford College. It was not likely that academical studies or college rules would suit the aspiring Indian. He at all events left Magdalen Hall for a more practical field without taking a degree. Such was the version of the story which I heard at the time. Another version introduces the Prince of

Wales.

James I. had kindly but unwisely given the University representation in Parliament, which involved it in politics. We had some fierce fights, owing to the gradual approximation of Gladstone to the Liberals and his consequent estrangement from his Tory friends, who sought angrily to unseat him as an apostate. In those days I was a fervent adherent of Gladstone, and an active member of his Committee. Our difficulty was in holding together the two sections of his supporters; the High Churchmen, who clung to him for the sake of his religious opinions, hoping that he would influence Church appointments; and the Liberals, who welcomed his political advances towards their side. Palmerston, in whose Ministry Gladstone was Chancellor of the Exchequer, was fishing, through Lord Shaftesbury, for the Evangelical vote, and allowed Shaftesbury to appoint Low Church Bishops. This brought our

difficulty to a head. I was instructed to see Gladstone and explain to him that unless his influence were soon seen in Church appointments, the High Church section would bolt, and his seat for the University would be lost. He began as usual by combating the fact. This was his way, and I could only let it pass. Presently he came round and asked whom they wanted made a Bishop. Probably he addressed the question to himself rather than to me; the answer at all events was not in my instructions. The upshot of this and probably other representations of the same kind from different quarters was the appointment of Thomson,' Provost of Queen's, to the Bishopric of Peterborough, from which he soon afterwards mounted to the Archbishopric of York.

The Tories made a grand mistake in ejecting Gladstone from his seat for the University. They thereby, as he himself said, "unmuzzled" him. It curiously happened that on the day of his defeat the Bible fell from the hand of the statue of James I in the quadrangle of the Bodleian. It was an omen of the separation of the Church from the State, towards which Gladstone's abolition of the State Church of Ireland was an important step, and towards which he would have taken another important step had he carried out his pledge of Disestablishment for Wales. I suspected, however, that of that pledge he repented, and that his unwillingness to fulfil it was partly the cause of his final retire[1 William Thomson. 1819-1890.]

ment from power. He remained to the last a High Churchman. To the last High Churchmen were his bosom friends, and they clung to him in spite of his political changes. They might bear with equanimity the disestablishment of the Irish Church, which was separate from the Church of England, and, from antagonism to the Irish Roman Catholics, Low Church in its doctrine. But the disestablishment of the Church of Wales, an integral part of the Church of England, would have cut them to the heart.

The University Reform Bill and Oxford University elections brought me a good deal into contact with Gladstone. I followed him zealously till he suddenly embraced the policy which he had himself described as "wading through rapine to dismemberment." Then, not being able on the spur of the moment to invert my notions either of rapine or dismemberment, I was constrained not only to leave him, but to do my best in aid of the opponents of his "Home Rule."

CHAPTER XVI

PUBLIC EVENTS

Crimean War-The War Passion-The War Policy-Napoleon III The Chartist Procession.

THERE is no use in rehearsing the "Annual Register." We of the Manchester School were against the Crimean War, and suffered by the war fever. The impression which I afterwards gathered from friends who had the best means of information was that the coalition Government of Lord Aberdeen,' weak from internal differences between Whigs and Peelites, while its chief, Lord Aberdeen, though the best of men, was wanting in firmness, had been gradually drawn to the brink of war by three men, each of whom had personal motives. Palmerston was a fanatical enemy of Russia, as the fatal expedition to the Cabul proved, and probably not very loyal to Lord Aberdeen, a Peelite and a Minister of peace. Sir Stratford Canning the Czar 3 had refused to receive as Ambassador at St. Petersburg. Louis Napoleon, like his putative uncle, wanted the consecration of glory for his usurped throne, and a recognized place for himself, an upstart of birth not unquestioned, among the crowned heads of Europe, which he gained by being [' See page 185, et seq., Chapter XII.]

2

3

[2 Afterwards Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe. 1786-1880.] [3 Nicholas I.]