JULY 1, 1790.]

Public Debt.

the sovereign thereof, into any port or place within
the United States, the vessels belonging wholly or in
part to the subjects of such sovereign, shall after the
day of
during the continuance of such
prohibition, be prohibited from bringing like articles
into the United States, on pain of being seized and
forfeited to their use. And the masters or owners

of all foreign vessels clearing from any port of the
United States, with any articles, the growth, pro
duce, or manufacture thereof, shall give bond with
sufficient security, that no part of the said articles
shall be delivered at any port or place to which ves-
sels belonging to citizens of the United States may
not be permitted to transport like articles from the
United States.

And be it further enacted, That in all cases where vessels belonging to citizens of the United States may be prohibited by the laws or regulations of that foreign country from carrying thereto articles not the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States, the vessels belonging wholly or in part to the subjects, citizens, or inhabitants of such country shall, after the day of and during the continuance of such prohibition, be prohibited in like manner from bringing any articles not the growth, produce, or manufacture of such country into the United States, on pain of being seized and forfeited

to their use.

These propositions being considered as very interesting and important in their consequences, it was moved that the committee should rise, that the members might take time to consider them. The motion for the committee's rising was opposed.

[H. OF R.

extraordinary indeed; and if they should be adopted, they will annihilate in a great measure the trade of Georgia to the West Indies, and he believed of North Carolina too, notwithstanding what the gentleman from that State has said in the course of debate on this subject. He thought it extraordinary that the gentleman from tionable proposition after another; the gentleVirginia should come forward with one excepman having lost one favorite proposition, so tenacious is he of his object, that he now brings forward another, in my opinion, full as exceptionable.

The question being taken was carried in the affirmative; the committee rose, and reported the propositions, which are to be taken into consideration to-morrow.

INTEREST OF PUBLIC DEBT.

The House then went into a Committee of the whole on the report of the committee making provision for the payment of interest on the debts of the United States, Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.

Some time was spent in the consideration of the plan reported by Mr. FITZSIMONS; but not coming to any decision, the committee reported progress, and had leave to sit again.

THURSDAY, July 1.

INVALID PENSIONERS.

The engrossed bill further to provide for the payment of the invalid pensioners of the United States was read the third time and passed.

The petition of John Fitch was presented, praying for an exclusive privilege to use steam for purposes of navigation in the United States for a limited time. Ordered to lie on the table.

MILITIA.

Mr. WADSWORTH asked, what reason could be assigned for the committee's rising? For his part, he was ready to meet the propositions. He believed he should vote for them. He considered them as calculated to try the strength of the committee. It is coming to the point; it is proposing a very bold measure indeed; but if it is thought we can stand the shock, I shall Mr. BOUDINOT, from the committee appointhave no objection to try it. I hope the com- ed for the purpose, presented a bill more effecmittee will proceed to discuss the propositions.tually to provide for the national defence by estaMr. VINING observed, that he had no objec-blishing a uniform militia throughout the United tion to taking up the subject; but as gentlemen States, which was twice read and committed. appeared desirous of taking time to consider the propositions, he was in favor of the committee's rising. With respect to the "boldness" of the measure, he was at a loss to find the propriety of the epithet; for his part, he considered it as a measure of firmness, and as such highly becoming the National Legislature of this country to adopt.

Mr. SHERMAN observed that he saw nothing that favored of boldness in the propositions; they appeared to him to be natural, and nothing more than a proper assertion of the equal rights of this country. It is merely meeting with counter regulations the regulations of other countries that are hostile to our interests; this we have a right undoubtedly to do. I hope the committee will not rise, but discuss the subject, that the merits of the propositions may be fully known. Mr. GOODHUE spoke generally in favor of the propositions, and against the committee's rising. Mr. JACKSON was in favor of the committee's rising. The propositions he considered as very

FEES OF CONSULS.

Mr. GERRY, from the committee appointed to report whether any and what fees, &c. shall be annexed to the offices of consul and viceconsul, made a report, which was read and ordered to lie on the table.

CENSUS.

A message from the Senate informed the House, that they had passed the bill for giving effect to an act providing for the enumeration of the inhabitants of the United States, in respect to Rhode Island.

INTEREST OF PUBLIC DEBT.

The House again went into a committee on the report of a committee making provision for the payment of interest on the debts of the United States, Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair. The committee came to several resolutions, which they reported to the House. They were there read, and ordered to lie on the table.

Resolved, That, after the the discount of ten per cent. of the duties on goods, wares, and merchandise, imported in ships or vessels, the property of a citizen or citizens of the United States, be discontinued, and that an addition of The House resolved itself into a Committee ten per cent. be made to the duties on goods, wares, of the whole on the bill sent from the Senate for or merchandise, imported in any other ship or ves-establishing the temporary and permanent seat of the Government of the United States, Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair.

JULY 6, 1790.]

Seat of Government.

tioned several particulars which would render it inconvenient to go there at present.

[H. OF R.

whence all parts of the Union may be equally benefited. From these considerations, he deduced the necessity of placing the Government in a central situation. He observed, that while the present position continued to be the seat of Government, the agriculture of the States to the Eastward is invigorated and encouraged, while that to the Southward is languishing and expiring. He then showed the fatal tendency of this preponderating encouragement to those parts of the country, already considered as the strongest parts of the Union-and from the na

Mr. HUNTINGTON said, that the only reason for removing, which he had ever heard, was, that this place is not so central. If there is any force in the reasoning, he wished not to go to a place less central. He adverted to the mode of conveyance to this place, generally adopted by members to get to the seat of Government. He supposed that the present centre was somewhere between Philadelphia and Baltimore; but the place contemplated is very much removed from the centre, more than three hun-tural operation of these principles he inferred dred miles West. With respect to centrality, he said that it is not an idea which predominates in regard to any other country of which he knew any thing respecting the geography; other and various important considerations operated in fixing the seat of Government.

that the interest of the Southern States must be eventually swallowed up. The decision of the Senate, said he, affords a most favorable opportunity to manifest that magnanimity of soul, which shall embrace, upon an extensive liberal system, the best interest of the great whole. Mr. WHITE observed, that if this House was This cannot be done, while the present unequal alone to be consulted, on the principle of ac- situation of the seat of Government of the Unicommodation, Baltimore might answer; but ted States continues. Nations have their paswhen it is considered that this bill originated in sions as well as individuals. He drew an alarmthe other House, who have an equal voice with ing picture of the consequences to be appreus in determining the question, and in which hended from disunion, ambition, and rivalship. this place has been repeatedly rejected, it is He then gave a pleasing sketch of the happy evident, that, if the clause is struck out the bill effects to be derived from a national, generous, will be lost. He then controverted the calcu- and equal attention to the Southern and Northlations of the gentleman last speaking, and stat-ern interests. Will gentlemen, said he, blast ed the difference of travel between the Southern this prospect by rejecting the bill? I trust they and Northern distances, which is made to be as will not. four and one-half to one; but he said, that so far as respected himself, he should make no difficulty on that account; but the accommodation of the citizens who may have business at the seat of Government is a consideration of very great importance. With respect to the uncentral situation of the seat of Government in other countries, this arose from the mere whims of the Sovereigns of those kingdoms; but modern policy has obliged the people of European countries, (I refer particularly to Great Britain,) to fix the seat of Government near the centre of trade. It is the commercial importance of the city of London, which makes it the seat of Government; and what is the consequence? London and Westminster, though they united send only six members to Parliament, have a greater influence on the measures of Government than the whole empire besides. This is a situation in which we never wish to see this country placed. He concluded by observing, that if this amendment is agreed to, the bill will be lost, and we shall be without either a temporary or permanent residence.

He then entered into the merits of the question. The States of Delaware, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, which contribute more than one-half to the revenue, and which have the only rival claim to the permanent seat of Government are satisfied with the arrangement in the bill. That Philadelphia is the nearest centre of the present wealth and population of the United States, the gentlemen from New York themselves will confess; the Potomac will become the nearest centre for a permanent residence probably by the period proposed-to oppose this, therefore, will be acting from merely local motives.

The gentleman moves to insert Baltimore. Mr. L. insisted that Baltimore is as far South as the place proposed, besides being exposed by its frontier position on the sea; we are not confined, said he, to a particular spot on the Potomac; we may fix on a place as far North as the gentleman from Connecticut wishes. I consider the motion, therefore, calculated to destroy the bill, and ought to be opposed by every one who is in favor of a Southern situation."

Mr. LEE, after a few introductory observa- This State has no pretensions to the permations, entered into a consideration of the relative nent residence. It is true, the citizens of this interests of the Southern, Middle, and North- place have put themselves to a great expense to ern States. He interspersed a variety of re-accommodate the Government, and are entitled flections, tending to conciliate and blend those different interests-and to disseminate the sentiments of union and concord. He alluded particularly to the great object of funding the debts of the United States; the seat of Government will concentrate the public paper. Hence he inferred the necessity of a situation from

to much praise for their exertions; but he wished to take up the subject on national ground, and to have it decided on principles which apply to the best interests of the whole. He then referred to a map of the Potomac, and the adjacent country which lay on the table, and which had been sent from the Executive of the

H. OF R.]

Seat of Government.

State of Virginia. He referred also to other papers and documents.

[JULY 6, 1790.

end of ten years? What reason can be given why those parts of the Union should not popuMr. BURKE said, he wished that the whole late, which are at a distance from the Potomac, business of the temporary and permanent resi- in proportion to those parts in the vicinity of dence might now be settled. He exculpated that place. I presume none can be assigned. the members who are in favor of Baltimore Why, then, is a period of ten years to expire, from all design to defeat the present bill. He previous to going there? The reason is plain. referred to some observations which had been The people would not now consent to have the made on the conduct of the members of the Government dragged to so remote a part of the States South of Virginia, and said, that they United States. He then adverted to the fundhad consulted the interest of the whole. One ing business, and other important matters which reason why he was in favor of the motion was, remain to be decided on, and very strongly inbecause he preferred Baltimore to Conoco-timated that these questions were to be detercheague. He thought a populous city better mined agreeable to the fate of this bill. He than building a palace in the woods. Another showed, from a variety of particulars, that Phịreason was, that there was no political necessi-ladelphia_would become the permanent resity existed for removing the Government from dence. He then adverted particularly to the New York to Philadelphia. He said, that the several parts of the bill. The first was respectmeasure would excite the most turbulent pas- ing the place where it is proposed to erect the sions in the minds of the citizens. It is unjust public buildings. He said, they could not be to the people of this city, to remove from this erected within the time mentioned, and showed place till the expense they have incurred is re- the various difficulties which would attend the paid them. It is a breach of honesty and of whole business. He then stated the advantages justice. It is injustice to the State-to the of Baltimore, and said that that place would whole Nation. He entered into a consideration have obtained in the Senate, if the Maryland of their sacrifices and services. He thought it Senators would have voted for it. He cona very extraordinary measure indeed. It is cluded by observing, that, as no necessity excalculated, said he, to arrest the funding sys-ists for removing the temporary residence, he tem, and to throw every thing into confusion. If the bill is passed in its present form, Congress will never leave Philadelphia; for the Commissioners to be appointed will incur no penalty for a neglect of doing their duty. This is a most essential defect in the bill, and there are other defects in it. He spoke in handsome terms of the State of Pennsylvania. He said, he had as high an opinion of that State, as any man whatever, but he was afraid of their influence; and that State was the last in which he would ever consent the permanent seat of Government should be. He then adverted to the influence of the members from that State, who, by their political management, had raised a storm in the United States. [Here Mr. BURKE was called to order.] After a short interrup tion, he proceeded, and said a Quaker State was a bad neighborhood for the South Carolinians. Here he adverted to the Quaker business last winter. He objected to Philadelphia also, on account of there being no gallery in the House proposed for the accommodation of Congressan open gallery he considered as a very important check to the Legislature.

hoped that Congress would sit down contented where they are.

Mr. BLOODWORTH observed, that as the funding bill had been alluded to, he could wish that the objection from that quarter might be taken out of the way. He moved that the committee should rise, in order to take up the ways and means.

Mr. SMITH (of Md.) introduced an address from the inhabitants of Baltimore to the Members and Senators from that State, which was read. This contained an account of the number of houses and inhabitants of that town, &c. also, the accommodations already made, and the provision to be made to complete every necessary arrangement.

Mr. CARROLL mentioned to the committee that there was a memorial of the inhabitants of Georgetown, on the Potomac, on the table, which he had presented some days since; and submitted it to the House whether it would be proper to read it. It was read.

Mr. LEE moved that certain papers received from the Executive of Virginia should be read, which was done.

Mr. LAWRENCE.-The gentleman from Vir- Mr. SMITH (of S. C.) called for the reading ginia has observed, that the object of the amend-of a Report of a Committee appointed by the old ment is to defeat the bill. He has also men- Congress, to view the banks of the Potomac; tioned the States which are most particularly which was done. interested in the question. Mr. L. said, the State of New York might have been considered. He wished the motion might succeed, because he thought that it would conduce to the peace of the Union. He objected to the place proposed for the permanent residence; by the bill it is conceded that the place is not, at present, a suitable position. By what magic can it be made to appear it will be more proper at the

Mr. STONE. All we seem to differ about is, whether Baltimore or the Potomac shall be the seat of the Government; and if this was all, the Delegates of that State might fold their arms and sit down contented; but the State of Maryland has been placed in the situation of Tantalus. He then stated how the gentlemen had formerly voted, who now appear in favor of Baltimore. Had the bill come down from the

JULY 6, 1790.]

Seat of Government.

[H. OF R.

Senate with Baltimore inserted, instead of Poto-to the Potomac, yet if a majority in either

mac, he should have had no difficulty in determining how to act; but he conceived, that if the amendment now proposed should take place, nothing would be done, and the business wil! be left in a very inauspicious state. From this and other considerations, he was resolved not to be drawn off from his present determination, by any motion, amendment, or modification of the bill whatever. With respect to himself, he had no election between the town of Baltimore and the Potomac; yet, as a Marylander, he would, if he saw a prospect of success, vote for the town of Baltimore; but as it respects the United States, he should vote for the Potomac; and on this idea he was willing to make some sacrifices. He considered the subject as one of the most painful and disagreeable that could be agitated, and he wished to have the business finally and unalterably fixed.

House were opposed to going there, Congress
would remain at Philadelphia, and they would
be obliged to repeal the bill from necessity.
Mr. SCOTT said, he should not notice many
things which had been offered on the subject.
He would only observe, that from the town of
Baltimore there is no water conveyance to the
interior country; but from the proposed site on
the Potomac, there are two hundred miles navi-
gation directly into the heart of the country.
Nor is Baltimore more Northerly than the po-
sition contemplated. A connexion with the
Western country is of the utmost consequence
to the peace and union of the United States, let
the gentlemen from the sea-coast say what they
will.

Mr. MADISON.-In order to decide this question rightly, we ought to compare the advantages and disadvantages of the two places as Mr. SENEY also considered this as an unhap- they relate to the good of the United States. py question to come before the House at this Now, I will defy any gentleman, however santime. The State of Maryland is as much di-guine he may be with respect to Baltimore, to vided on the subject as the United States ap- point out any substantial advantage that is not peared to be; a great rivalship subsists between common to the Potomac; and I defy them to the Potomac and Susquehanna rivers; and he disprove, that there are not several important doubted not but that when the question was ul- advantages belonging to the Potomac, which do timately decided, it would be either on the one not appertain to Baltimore. The committee or the other of those rivers. He agreed with have had ample information with respect to the Mr. LEE, that Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Northern and Southern positions of the two Virginia were the only States who could make places. In point of salubrity of air, without any reasonable pretensions for the seat of Go-disparaging the pretensions of Baltimore, the vernment; but a majority of voices from these Potomac is at least equally favored in that reStates had been against the Potomac. Penn- spect. In regard to centrality of situation, the sylvania and Maryland, he observed, had given Potomac has undoubtedly the advantage. In the preference to the Susquehanna. Mr. S. respect to security from invasion, I aver the then noticed some transactions of the Legisla- Potomac has the advantage also. With relature of Maryland, which he said clearly evinced tion to the Western country, there is not a shatheir determination to support the pretensions dow of comparison. If we should go as far of the Susquehanna. Maryland certainly had South as Baltimore, why not an equal distance an equal right with Pennsylvania and Virginia Southwest to the Potomac? Those who are acto have her interests consulted. The interests quainted with the country on the Potomac, and of Maryland, it appeared, were now to be sa- that in the neighborhood of Baltimore, do not crificed to those two adjoining States. And hesitate to give the preference to the Potomac. however flattering it may seem to Maryland, to It is true, that Baltimore has respectable refix the seat of Government on her side of the sources; her rapid growth is a clear proof of it; Potomac, the real advantages were in a great but look at the resources of the Potomac; the measure nugatory, as it would be but a very great range of rich country that borders on it, small portion of that State that could reap any and see if these are not advantages that must, benefit therefrom. The real advantages would in a short time, produce a commercial town. undoubtedly result to Pennsylvania and Virgi- Sir, a period might be named, not exceeding ten nia. It appeared somewhat extraordinary to years, within which the town of Baltimore obhim, that gentlemen should be willing to con- tained the greater part of its increase and confine the residence to a particular spot, previous sequence; a period of ten years will produce the to their removing to a permanent residence. same effects on the Potomac, because the same Why is it necessary to fix upon Philadelphia causes exist; and when, superadded to this, the for ten years? Surely this is putting the Go-residence of Government shall be there, there vernment in a very ineligible situation, for it is can be no doubt but that there will be every acby no means improbable that many serious and commodation that can be desired. important occurrences might render a removal It is said, that before the ten years expire, a highly expedient, perhaps unavoidable. Be- repeal of the act may take place, and thus Consides, after the Government shall have remain-gress be kept at Philadelphia. But what more ed ten years in Philadelphia, the probability of quitting it for the Potomac appeared to be very slight indeed. For though it was understood by the bill that the offices were to be removed

can we do than pass a law for the purpose? It is not in our power to guard against a repeal. Our acts are not like those of the Medes and Persians, unalterable. A repeal is a thing