H. OF R.] Seat of Government. [JULY 6, 1790. against which no provision can be made. If of Congress, and not their residence, are the that is an objection, it holds good against any law that can be passed. If those States that may have a superiority in Congress at a future day will pay no respect to the acts of their predecessors, or to the public good, there is no power to compel them. objects of concern to the people. Those States who think that they shall be injured it cannot be expected will acquiesce. He then gave an account of the process of this measure the last session. The travelling has been mentioned. This, he said, could not be considered as an argument in favor of the bill, for the expense is not paid by particular States, it comes out of the common treasury. He asserted that the accessibility to New York is better than that to the Potomac. He contended the risk by land is greater than that by water. He stated the advantages that the Southern members derived from coming to the Northward, while, on the other hand, is there, asked he, any thing to balance the risk and difficulties which the North But I flatter myself that some respect will be paid to the public interest, and to the plighted faith of the Government. As to centrality, the best evidence we have at this time in favor of the Potomac is the different travelling of the members; and this, sir, proves incontestably that the proposed place on the Potomac is near the centre. If any arguments could be brought against it, it is its being too far to the Northward. For the mileage South of the Potomac is twelve thousand seven hundred and eighty-ern members must encounter in such a Southern two miles, to the North of it twelve thousand situation? He said it was highly unreasonable four hundred and twenty-two miles. If to this to fix the seat of Government in such a position Rhode Island be added, it will not be more as to have nine States out of thirteen to the than equal. If the bill once passes, I am not Northward of the place. He adverted to the under any apprehensions of a repeal; but if sacrifices which the Northern States are ready danger of a repeal does exist, it is of that kind to make in being willing to go so far South as against which we cannot guard. Sir, we should Baltimore. He contended that the explicit calculate on accepting the bill as it now stands; consent of the Eastern States ought to be obwe ought not to risk it by making any amend- tained, before they are dragged still further ment. We have it now in our power to pro- South. He ridiculed the idea of fixing the Gocure a Southern position. The opportunity may vernment at Conococheague. He did not think not again speedily present itself. We know the there was any serious intention of ever going to various and jealous interests that exist on this this Indian place. He considered the whole subject. We should hazard nothing. If the business as a mere manoeuvre. Baltimore holds Potomac is struck out, are you sure of getting out the only prospect of a permanent seat of Baltimore? May no other places be proposed? Government. He recapitulated the account Instead of Baltimore, is it not probable we may which before had been given. From this he have Susquehanna inserted, perhaps the Dela-adverted to the general expectation of the pubware? Make any amendment, sir, and the billlic with respect to the Government's tarrying will go back to the Senate. Are we sure that here till the permanent seat was established. it will come back into our possession again? He particularized the expenses that had been By amending, we give up a certainty for an un-incurred by the citizens, and for which they certainty. In my opinion, we shall act wisely, merited great honor. He said, it had been proif we accept the bill as it now stands, and I beg mised to New York that this place should be leave to press it on gentlemen not to consent to the temporary residence of Congress, and on any alteration, lest it be wholly defeated and this engagement they came into an uncondithe prospect of obtaining a Southern position tional adoption of the Constitution. Should vanish for ever. this bill pass, what can it be denominated but a delusion, a deception, sanctioned by Congress itself? He remarked on the several observations offered by Messrs. MADISON, LEE, STONE, and SCOTT. ` Mr. GERRY said, he rose with greater reluctance on this than he ever did on any former Occasion; and it is because it appears pretty evident the advocates of the bill are sure of a majority, and are determined not to change Mr. VINING. When I find arguments made their minds let what arguments will be offered use of to inflame the minds of gentlemen against on the subject. The business of establishing the members of this House, I think it my duty the permanent residence is contrary to the to notice such observations. Attempts are made sentiments of a majority of the members of this to hold up, in an odious point of light, the memHouse, and of the Senate, as they have both nega-bers of Pennsylvania. Sir, it is a fact, which tived a bill for this purpose the present session. It is to be regretted that it has ever been brought forward, for it is very evident that it has had a very pernicious influence on the great business of funding the public debt. He then mentioned the former removals of Congress, which had never been complained of, as the public business was never neglected. He said, that if the present bill is carried into execution, a very great uneasiness will ensue; for the measures your Journals will justify, that the members from Pennsylvania voted the last session against Philadelphia. I trust that none of those observations will have the least influence on the mind of one single individual. We are sent here to do the public business, and I trust that our constituents have not sent men that are to be deterred from doing their duty by such insidious insinuations, such ill-founded suggestions of deceiving and deluding the citizens of this JULY 7, 1790.] Seat of Government. [H. OF R. for the plainness of their manners, and their benevolence. Nay, should the gentleman go to Philadelphia, he will find that these people will treat him as well as any other society. They merit not the abuse which has been so frequently thrown upon them. place. Mr. V. added some more strictures on Mr. GERRY'S observations, and then entered largely into the merits of the question. He supported the bill on general principles, and noticed the several objections that had been made by different members. He imputed the embarrassments of the public business to the Mr. BLOODWORTH thought that if the New assumption, and not to the subject of resi-York senators had acted wrong, yet the people should not be blamed for it. The proposition dence. Mr. CLYMER made a few remarks on the ob- of Mr. BURKE was so reasonable and just that servations of Mr. BURKE, which were not dis-he said he could not avoid approving of it. tinctly heard. The committee rose, and reported progress. SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. The House again resolved itself into a committee on the bill for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of Government, Mr. BouDINOT in the chair. Mr. BURKE made some remarks on the observations of Mr. VINING, in which he exculpated himself from all design to excite mobs and tumults among the citizens of New York, as had been insinuated by that gentleman. He declared that he believed the citizens incapable of behaving so much out of character. For himself, he disclaimed any such idea. He further observed, that the delegates from Pennsylvania were fully competent to advocate the interest of their particular State; they had given abundant evidence of their abilities; they therefore did not need the assistance of the gentleman from Delaware. Mr. LAWRENCE defended the New York senators, and explained the reasons of their former conduct, which, when it was known, he believed, would rather merit the approbation of the people. He then proceeded to remark upon the conduct of New York during the war and since. Her revenue had been thrown into the Treasury of the United States, and every received from her. Upon the whole, he wishsuccor that could possibly be expected was ed the dispute of residence could be left to the decision of the three Northern and three Southern States; and he appealed to the House, as politicians and men, for the justice of the case. Mr. WADSWORTH rose next. He was proceeding when he was called to order. After some altercation on the question of order, Mr. PAGE spoke to the merits of the question, in which he introduced several conciliatory observations, and then added, as to the place for the permanent residence of Congress, any unprejudiced disinterested man in the world, looking over the map of the United States, would put his finger on the district pointed out in the bill, and say, "This is your place, sir." As to going to Philadelphia, it is not my wish to go and stay there as proposed in the bill; but I say, with my colleague, (Mr. MADISON,) that I consent to go there to get into a more central position, and to be fairly on our way to the permanent residence on the Potomac. As to our present situation, the ciMr. HARTLEY observed, that it was the fault tizens of New York themselves acknowledge, of the New York senators last year that they nay, even the member himself who has called did not vote for a four years' residence in their me to order, acknowledges that it has no preown city, and the permanent one at German- tensions to be the permanent residence, and it town, which they could then have carried. He must be confessed that in proportion as it is defended himself and his colleagues from any improper for the permanent residence it must charge of want of generosity, and also defend- be improper for the temporary residence. The ed the character of the Quakers. The gentle- continuance of Congress here has been acman (Mr. BURKE) is not acquainted with the quiesced in by the Southern States, merely on people called Quakers or their history, or he the supposition that a removal to the permanent would entertain different sentiments concern-residence would take place sooner if Congress ing them. Under the famous William Penn, sat here than at some other place more central. they settled the former Province of Pennsylva- The wise and virtuous citizens of New York nia, between the years 1680 and 1690, near the know this, and cannot resist the removal. close of the last century; and such was their justice, wisdom, moderation, and good policy that they gained reputation abroad. Men emigrated from the European world to this Land of Freedom. They preserved peace at home, for it was not until the year 1753, when a war, fomented on the borders of another Province, that an inhabitant of Pennsylvania was killed by the hands of an Indian. The Quakers had always been remarkable for their moral laws, Sir, I was not apprehensive that the observations made by gentlemen yesterday could excite an improper resentment in their minds; there is not a city in the world in which I would sooner trust myself and Congress than in New York; for it is superior to any place I know for the orderly and decent behavior of its inhabitants; but, sir, when the member behind me, (Mr. BURKE,) who alluded to me when he was last up, said that they were in jured and robbed by Congress, I told him, as a friend, that had I been in the chair I should have called him to order. [JULY 7, 1790. to show that there could be no danger of an insurrection or rebellion against the Government. Congress is vested with a sufficient power to I confess I was shocked to hear that gentle-protect themselves from every insult whatever man's declarations repeated by a member on the other side of the House, who is remarkable for his coolness and his peculiar attention to every sentiment offered in debate (Mr. GERRY). I took the liberty, when the House adjourned, to tell that gentleman, perhaps too freely, what I thought respecting those declarations; if I gave him, or the member behind me any offence, I ask their pardon; but I still think Ishould have done my duty, had I taken notice of the impropriety of their declarations in my place in the House, as a friend to order and freedom of debate. they have a right to call forth the whole militia of the Union for their protection. [Here Mr. G. was called to order, and some altercation ensuing, Mr. G. said he would say nothing further on this particular topic.]. He then proceeded to state his arguments against the Potomac, in the course of which he noticed some observations which had fallen from Messrs. VINING and CLYMER. One of the gentlemen had said that "Pennsylvania had a right to the seat of the General Government." This he denied; he said no State in the Union could pretend to such a right, Congress alone has a right to determine where the seat of Government shall be. He entered into a lengthy discussion on the merits of the Potomac, and among many other observations asserted that taking so Southern a situation would amount to a disqualification of many of the Northern members, who would forego their election rather than attend the National Legislature on that river. Mr. VINING read a report of a committee of the late Congress, respecting two seats of Government, in which report Georgetown was Mr. GERRY, being one of this committee, rose to explain. Mr. SEDGWICK, in a speech of considerable length, stated his objections to so Southern a situation as either Baltimore or the Potomac, and said that he should have the unhappiness, he feared, of dividing on the question from his colleagues. Mr. SHERMAN offered some calculations respecting distances, and made Baltimore to be the nearest to the centre of any other place that had been mentioned. Mr. LIVERMORE said, that the motion for striking out the Potomac and inserting Baltimore is so reasonable in itself, that I cannot conceive there should be one person opposed to it. He observed, that Baltimore is as far South as the Potomac; the members will then have as far to go to one as the other. There is a river, it is said, which runs two hundred miles into the country as far as the Allegany mountains; what advantage can this be to Congress? can conceive none, except that it may be to send the acts of Congress by water to the foot of the Allegany mountains. He thought that the cen-mentioned. tre of population was the only true centre. It is not pretended that the Potomac is at present this centre; but it is said that it will in time become the centre of population. What reason is there for any such supposition? The place in which this favorite spot is has been as long settled as any other part of the Continent, but the population has not kept pace with many other parts of the United States; it is therefore entirely chimerical and problematical whether it ever will become the centre of population. He then enlarged on the superior advantages Mr. WHITE said, he had no idea of altering of a populous city for the seat of Government, the sentiments of a single member of the comand concluded by repeating that the amend-mittee; he did not expect the gentleman from ment is so reasonable in itself, that he hoped New Hampshire would agree with him. The every member of the committee would vote for it. gentleman from Massachusetts has said someMr. GERRY.-In discussing this subject yes- thing about the Government going into the terday, I made use of such arguments as ap- wilderness; he said it was true that there was peared to me pertinent to the occasion. But, not at present every accommodation which gensir, those arguments have had the most extra-tlemen might wish; but there is every probaordinary construction put on them by the gen- bility that there will be. He said that such tleman from Delaware; they have been repre-improvements were making in the navigation sented as tending to excite mobs, and to raise insurrections in this city. Sir, I insist that the observations I made had a direct contrary tendency. I said that the bill contained those malignant principles which had a direct tendency to agitate and inflame the minds of the citizens of America. Those principles I was endeavoring to expose, and to show what must be their obvious effects. Is this exciting mobs? Directly the reverse, in my opinion. I never had any such idea; and as to the citizens of New York, I have too just a sense of their wisdom and good judgment to harbor such a sentiment. He then adverted to the Constitution, of the Potomac as will render it a place affording every accommodation whether Congress go there or not. He instanced several places on the Potomac which were at this day sufficiently populous to accommodate Congress. He then adverted to situation, and observed that a line from the Atlantic, east and west, to the extreme point mentioned in the bill, will intersect the State of New Jersey, include the whole of Delaware and Maryland, and will throw thirty-one members of the representation in the Southern division of the United States. He then observed, that after the present ferment is subsided, this position will be consider ed as a permanent bond of union; and the Eastern States will find their most essential interests promoted by the measure. He adverted to the trade of Massachusetts, which he said was greater to Virginia than to the whole Union besides; the Southern States will be cordial in promoting their shipping and advancing their interests, when they observe that the principles of justice influence them on this great national question. He then remarked on the observation of Mr. SHERMAN respecting the repealing of the law, and reprobated the principles on which such observations are founded; he remarked on the attraction of populous cities, and trusted that other ideas would prevail in this country than what influenced in fixing the seats of Government in Europe. [H. OF R. word "Potomac,” and inserting "Baltimore,” Mr. BURKE then made the following motion: New York two years from last May; and from the expiration of that time to the year 1800, that the seat of Government should remain in Philadelphia." The committee rose, and the resolution lay upon the table. THURSDAY, July 8. INVALID PENSIONERS. COLLECTION OF DUTIES. Mr. GOODHUE, from the committee appointed on the subject, presented a bill to regulate the collection of the duties imposed by law on goods, wares, and merchandises, imported into the United States, and on the tonnage of ships or vessels, which was twice read and committed. SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. The House again went into a committee on the bill for establishing the temporary and permanent seat of Government, Mr. BOUDINOT in the chair. The amendment yesterday proposed by Mr. BURKE being taken up, A message from the Senate informed the House that they have disagreed to the bill to authorize the issuing of certificates to a certain Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, said, he was description of invalid officers; and that they in favor of the motion, as the only one which have passed the bill further to provide for the held out a probability of ever fixing on a payment of the invalid pensioners of the UniSouthern residence. He enlarged on the diffi-ted States, with an amendment, to which they culty and improbability of ever removing from desire the concurrence of this House. Philadelphia. He said that it was evident, from the present representation, and what is most likely it will be ten years hence, that Congress could not be removed from that place. He then stated the number of the members to the southward and northward of Philadelphia, and observed that the Congress that would exist at the expiration of ten years may think entirely different from the present, and will not think themselves bound by the law; but if they should, what can the measure be denominated but legislating for the next century. A system proposed the last session, which combined a much greater interest than the present, failed; and what reason have we to suppose that this bill will ever be carried into execution? He said Mr. BURKE observed, that he was induced to no gentleman pretends that the place proposed make this motion from a wish to accommodate; is now ready for the reception of the Govern- as a delegate from South Carolina he consiment; and even if the buildings were now erect-dered himself in a proper situation to come ed, is there any gentleman who would give his forward on this occasion; the New York vote for going there? He would agree to a and Pennsylvania members are parties conplace in the neighborhood of Baltimore, and cerned in the business, they are judges in their this he supposed was the furthest Southern po-own cause; and in this view it may be expected sition the gentlemen from the Eastward will that they will be partial to their respective inever consent to. From all the views he could terests; he therefore conceived that a motion take of the measure, he was fully convinced by a member from a State not specially interthat the Potomac was tacked to the bill merely ested might be made with the greatest propriety; to carry Philadelphia; he wished gentlemen he repeated some observations respecting the seriously to consider the consequences of pass- injustice of so suddenly quitting New York, ing a law which would so intimately and inau- and adverted to their particular situation respiciously affect the interests of so many people. specting the term of their leases which expire Mr. MADISON objected to the motion for in- the first of May, and on this account he proserting Baltimore, as it would be risking the posed that that should be the time at which the bill with a place which has already been re-removal of Congress should take place. peatedly rejected by the Senate; he religiously Mr. LAWRENCE entered into a consideration believed, he said, that if Baltimore was inserted of the pretensions of New York. He said she the bill would never pass the Senate; and the fate of the bill which the gentleman mentions ought to be a serious warning to us never to risk this with an amendment; the instance, therefore, produced by the gentleman is very much against his own argument. The question being put for striking out the had a claim to the seat of Government from the various circumstances which had attended the residence from the time Congress first came to this city, and from the exertions which it had recently made. Mr. L. did not particularly refer to the improvements of the city for the accommodation of the Government. His ob H. OF R.] Seat of Government. [JULY 8, 1790. servations were general, and respected the po-clause in the bill is not only constitutional but licy and expediency of the measure. proper. Mr. PAGE opposed the amendment. He ob- Mr. TUCKER said, he should move to divide served that as to the claims of New York, he the question; but he had his objections to the did not conceive that she had any claims what-passing a bill for a purpose which a joint resoever. It is true she had put herself to a consi-lution was fully competent to effecting; his derable expense to accommodate the Govern- argument against the bill turned upon this idea, ment, and he was ready to acknowledge her that Philadelphia would become the permanent patriotism on this account; but, said he, there residence, and this he conceived to be the main is not a city of equal magnitude in the Union object; for, said he, it will become the duty of that would not have done the same; and she is Pennsylvania to prevent Congress ever leaving reimbursed by the advantages she has derived, that city, if, at the expiration of the period of and does receive by the money that is expended ten years, they shall think that Philadelphia is here in consequence. He said that the accom- the best place in which to continue the seat of modation of the people at large ought to be a Government. He said he was sorry to hear prime consideration with the Legislature, and the arguments which had been brought forward in this view, to avoid any risk respecting the on this question respecting losing the bill if it bill, and to settle a business which has much was amended; he thought them calculated to agitated the public mind, he should vote against abridge a fair legislative discussion of the methe motion. There is one argument indeed rits of the subject. Mr. T. spoke in handsome which deserves attention. I mean that which terms of the citizens of New York. is founded on the supposition that the bill is Mr. GERRY was in favor of putting the quesunconstitutional, and that this was the opinion tion as originally moved. The complexion of of my colleague on a former occasion. Sir, it the bill affects the temporary residence of Conwas then my opinion also; but we were then gress; to form a judgment of the amendment overruled by this House, and now have the proposed it is necessary to take a view of the opinion of the Senate also against our construc-proposition as it stands in the bill. The State tion of the Constitution. However, I rely not and city of New York are differently situated merely on this circumstance, for I find, upon from any other place at which Congress ever an examination of all that the Constitution says sat; the accommodations of all other places at about an adjournment, that the clause in the which Congress has ever sat have been an approbill is perfectly constitutional, as there are but priation of their public buildings. When the two sentences in the Constitution respecting Constitution was adopted, Congress determinadjournments. The last clause of the fifth sec-ed that the first meeting should be in New tion of the first article, and the third section | of the second article, the former of which runs thus: "Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting." Now, sir, to be inconsistent with this clause of the Constitution, the bill should direct that adjournments shall take place without the consent of the Senate; but the bill before us was framed by the Senate, and a perfect concurrence of the three branches of the Legislature is proposed to the adjourn ment now under consideration; how, then, can it be inconsistent with the third section of the second article of the Constitution, which gives the President a right to interfere in case of a disagreement respecting the time of an adjournment? It might, indeed, be said, upon a question concerning common adjournments, that the two Houses would do well to retain the right of adjourning without the consent of the President. But, sir, is this an extraordinary case, in which it will be happy for Congress and their constituents if the business of adjournment shall depend upon the joint consent of the three branches of the Legislature, and not on that of the two Houses alone. Without this check, after getting to Philadelphia on an adjournment, we might be brought back to New York, and then carried back again; and so on without end. I think, therefore, that the York; and from this determination it became necessary that accommodations should be provided. Had not New York done this, they would have been charged with parsimony or disaffection, or with both. It would have been said, that this city having been a British garrison was careless and indifferent in respect to the Government; these considerations and their attachment to the Constitution produced the elegant building in which the sessions of Congress have been held; in addition to this, they have incurred other heavy expenses to beautify and render more convenient the seat of Government. These expenses the city has incurred to do honor to the new Government, and they have not been reimbursed; will it not then be considered as the height of ingratitude to quit the place under such circumstances? Let us now consider the bill in a national point of view. He acknowledged that Philadelphia was undoubtedly nearer the centre of wealth and population than New York; but the Potomac was more uncentral than the place at which we now sit. He said, that provided Philadelphia is the temporary seat, and should thence become the permanent residence, we shall go but ninety miles out of two hundred and fifty, the proposed centre on the Potomac. He recapitulated his former observations, and said, civilities ought to meet civilities, and are as much obligatory on States as individuals. If there is any weight in the argument, it will |
