I said to the reporters, "Why don't you publish this and make comment on it?" And they showed me the advertisements, and said that they would be only too willing to, but that they didn't dare. I concluded I would have to wake up the people of this Nation, and I went to work and organized some 6,000 or 7,000 children, many of them with their hands off. I telegraphed to the papers in New York to send me down reporters, feeling that the Philadelphia papers would not take any notice of it, and so the New York papers sent down the reporters. I had those children in Independence Park; the police didn't know that we were coming until we were down there. We had our banner, and I marched them to the business part of the city and the newspaper district. I had a table in front of the city hall. I put those children up there. There were 50,000 people at that meeting; the biggest gathering that ever assembled in Philadelphia in their history, they said. I showed them children with their hands off, a sacrifice on the altar of profit, giving to this Nation maimed and useless citizens. I spoke to the ministers, and asked them if they were not carrying out Christ's doctrine, suffer little children to come unto me, they are all that is pure and holy, and you say, "Suffer the little ones to go into the slave pens, and we will grind them into profit." And that is what is done. They closed up; the New York papers and the Philadelphia papers got to fighting one another, and that was all I wanted when I can get those fellows to fight one another, I am all right. It was given publicity, and was discussed in the universities and colleges, and finally got quieted down, and I asked the parents to let me have the little boys, and they said, "Yes." I got 75 little boys; some with their fingers off and their hands off, and I said, "I am going to see the President and have a bill passed to prohibit the murder of children for profit." I was only going 30 miles, but the children were so happy, and the agitation was so great; they never had had the sunshine or the grass before, and now they were bathing in the rivers, and the people were feeding them.

They had their little tincups and knapsacks, and were marching, and were having the finest time they had ever had, and the newspapers were hammering me, and the priests and ministers were hammering me, but I am alive yet. I am still here, hammering them, and so I marched them along until I got them in Jersey City.

I sent some one over to New York to ask the chief of police if he would give me protection for the children, and he was a military fellow, the commissioner, and the chief was away, and he said, “No; you can't come into New York." Well, I concluded I would show him whether I could or not, and I went over myself and asked him if he had any reason, and he said, "Yes"; but he would not give it to me. "Very well," I said, "I will take it to the mayor." And Low was mayor of New York at that time. He evidently knew I was coming, because the usher said that the mayor would see me directly. I said, “All right." In a few minutes the mayor came in, and I told him my business, and he said, "Mother Jones, I had to sustain the commissioner's decision." "Do you have to, mayor?” "Yes." And I said, "I don't see why New York pays an understrapper, if the other man does the business." He just kind of looked down and said nothing.

I said, "Mayor Low, have you a reason?" And he said, “Yes.” "You won't object to giving it to me?" And he said, "No;" and I said, "Perhaps we can clear it up."

The reason was, I was not a citizen of New York, nor neither were those children. "Is that your chief reason?" He said, "Yes." "Well, I think I can clear that up, Mayor Low. I think we will straighten that out immediately. Some time last summer there came over here a piece of royalty from Germany, and the United States voted $45,000 to fill that fellow's stomach for three weeks. And President Roosevelt hired a massage doctor to rub him down so he could get back. Was he a citizen of New York," I says. "No," he says, “he was not.” "Did he ever create any wealth for this Nation?" "Well, no," he said. And I says, "We did. Don't I have the same right to come in here that he had?" He says, "Yes." So I went in and I got my children all in, and we had a big meeting that night and the police took care of us, and the captain says, Mother," he says, "you need never go to the chief or the mayor or to anybody else when you want to come in; you come to me and it will be all right." So my children did have a meeting and we raised $3.000 or $4.000 or $5,000 for the strikers; and I took my children down and took them down to Boston Bay, and Boston came and took them children and showed them the elephants and everything; and they never had seen anything like it.

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Now, the reporters were all going to Oyster Bay, and they blocked my job, and I wanted to see the President, so I telephoned Senator Platt to give me

assistant; and he said, "All right, Mother." And I went down. Well, you know this Oriental Hotel, and that is where the robbers of Wall Street go to roost through the summer. So I took the children and went down there, and I had my little band, and they had every place blockaded. You can't step on that sacred ground without there is an officer after you. And I went to a section man, and I says, "How am I going to get in to them fellows?" He says, "I don't know. You can't go in at the door?" "Well, no; the thing is so guarded I can't get in." He says, "Well, I don't know, Mother." "Well, I want to go in with these children, and I want breakfast." And he says, "There is only one way to get in there, and that is through the saloon. And if the saloon keeper lets you in there, you can get in.” "Do you know him?" "Yes," he said "I know him; yes." Well," I says, come on down with me, and I will get you a drink." And you can always buy an Irishman a drink. And so we went to the saloon and went in, and I says to the saloon keeper, I says, "Can I go in to see them pirates to-day with these children?" And he says, "Yes." And so I took the children and went in, and the children had a little band, and so they sang," Hail, hail, the gang's all here." Well, that bunch all got up and ran away and went upstairs; the men and women; and the hotel gave us our breakfast, and we all had good things, and the children had never had any such breakfast. The cook fixed it up. You know, he was a miner cook, and he fixed up everything; and the little ones went off happy.

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Well, I went down to Oyster Bay, and the reporters didn't know where I was going, and I got in and didn't see no one of the secret-service men; and I . thought I would go up and see President Roosevelt about having passed that bill; and when I got up to go there, he put secret-service men all the way from his house down to Oyster Bay to prevent the children coming up there. He had a lot of secret-service men watching an old woman and an army of children. You fellows do elect wonderful Presidents. The best thing you can do is to put a woman in the next time, and she will do it.

Well, that ends that now, and I will not take up any more time; but before I close I have got a letter here. I will have to look it over carefully. It relates to the murder of one of the deputies in Utah. The morning after they had arrested all the men these fellows came along, three of them, and I only had a stone to fasten my door, and I heard the footsteps coming, and I jumped to my feet, and this fellow opened the door and pushed the stone in, and he came in, and he put his gun under my jaw and his finger on the gun, and he says, "Now, if you don't tell me where I will get $3,000 of the miners' money I will blow your brains out." He was one of the sworn deputies that arrested the miners the day before. And I said, "Well, wait a while; I will tell you about these brains; let's talk that over first. You need not waste a lot of powder on these brains. If you blow my brains out yours and mine will not mix. So, save your powder." "Now, where is it? Give it to me. I don't want any talk; and," says he, "I won't have it." And I says, "There are one or two good fellows up in Indianapolis that have the money in the bank." And he says, "Hasn't the secretary got any money?" And I says, "Yes; but he pays every bill with checks." "Haven't you got any money? "Yes." "Get it out," he says. "I want it." So I took out 50 cents. That is all I had. And he says, "Is this all the money you have got?" "That is all I have here, and I am not going to give it to you." He says, "You won't give it to me?" I says, "No; I want it myself, because I have got the Gould smallpox, and when I get out I want to get a jag on and boil it out of my system, so I won't inoculate the Nation." So the fellow finally went off. And he was killed afterwards for bank wrecking in Utah. Now, that is

Chairman WALSH (interrupting). Let me suggest, Mrs. Jones, that you submit that into the record.

Mother JONES. All right.

Chairman WALSH. I don't want to hurry you, but Mr. Weinstock said he had a question.

Mother JONES. Well, all right, Mr. Weinstock; go to it, now. But I want you to understand now, Mr. Weinstock, before you go to it, I am not an educated woman; you are, and I am not.

(The matter referred to will be found among the exhibits printed at the end of this subject as Jones Exhibit.")

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Commissioner WEINSTOCK. In your statement yesterday, among other things you told about the experiences you had, I think, in the vicinity of Greensburg. Mother JONES. Yes, Pennsylvania.

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. And there was some one with you on a street car or a railroad car, and you wanted to get off?

Mother JONES. A street car.

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. And the conductor refused to let you off? Mother JONES. No; you have that wrong, Mr. Weinstock. The conductor never refused to let me off; it was the women and the babies. The judge had sentenced them to 30 days in jail. I would not let the women leave their babies behind, so they got on the street car, and when we got to a station there were three or four scabs got on the car, and the women were going to jail, and they had a certain resentment against those scabs because they go in and take their bread.

Now, Mr. Weinstock, remember we strikers are striking for a better condition for all, whether they are union men and women or nonunion; they are all workers anyhow; but they make the fight and they raise the wages of the nonunion mother as well as the union one. We are in a conference, you know. So these women were a little irritated when they saw those scabs get on, and they gave me the babies, and I took the babies; I think I had four or five of them in my arms and another bunch of them around me, and they went and lampooned those scabs, and the scabs began to holler. There were two of the constabulary there, but they were nice boys and they didn't meddle; I think they were a little leery of what was going to happen; and I would not let the street car motorman stop to let those men off until he got to a regular station. They were hollering, “ Stop the car," and the motorman got a little nervous, too, and I said, “Now, you don't stop that car; it is against the law, and you must obey the law."

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. That is the point I wanted you to refresh my memory on. You called attention to the fact that they must obey and respect the law.

Mother JONES. Yes, the motorman; he had no right to stop the car there; it was an interurban car..

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. I take it from that, Mother Jones, that you are an advocate of law and order and would insist on people obeying the law and respecting it?

Mother JONES. I certainly do, but when the law jumps all over my class and there is no law for my class, and it is only for the other fellow, then I want to educate my people so as to put my people on the bench. I don't know whether you are a lawyer or not?

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. I am not, Mother Jones; I am glad of it. I am a plain, everyday business man.

Mother JONES. I am glad of it.

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. From what you have explained, Mother Jones, it is evident that some explanation is needed. There appears in the record of the congressional committee a copy of which I have here, setting forth a hearing before a subcommittee of the Committee on Mines and Mining of the House of Representatives, a statement attributed to you, which evidently is a mistake, and does you a grave injustice, and I think you should be afforded an opportunity at this hearing for the purposes of our record to correct it.

(This is entered here as Operators' Exhibit No. 105, "Address made by Mother Jones, delivered before the convention in Trinidad, Colo., on Tuesday, the 16th day of September, 1913.")

Among other things you are alleged to have said, speaking. I think, of some labor trouble in West Virginia:

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We told him we lived in America beneath the flag for which our fathers fought; that we lived in the United States, and we had a right and had a ground to fight on; and we asked the governor to abolish the Baldwin guards. That was the chief thing I was after, and I tell you the truth, because I knew when we cleaned them out other things would come with it.

"So I said in the article we will give the governor until 8 o'clock to-morrow evening to get rid of the Baldwin guards, and if he don't do business we will do business. I called the committee, and I said, 'Here, take this document and go into the governor's office and present it to him. Now, don't get on your knees; you don't need to get on your knees; we have no kings in America; stand on both feet, with your heads erect, and present that document to the governor.' And they said, 'Will we wait?' I said, 'No, don't wait, and don't say, "your honor," said I, because few of those fellows have any honor and don't know what it is.

"When we adjourned the meeting and saw we were not going to get any help, I said, 'We will protect ourselves and buy every gun in Charleston.'

38819°-S. Doc. 415, 64-1-vol 11-37

There was not a gun left in Charleston; and we did it openly, no underhanded business about it, for I don't believe in it at all. We simply got our guns and ammunition and walked down to the camps, and the fight began."

Now, as one who believes in law and order and obeying the law, there must be some mistake, or you were misquoted, and this is an opportunity for you to correct it.

Mother JONES. I am going to tell you about that. I made that speech, not in Trinidad, but on the steps of the statehouse in Charleston. The strike was not on very long-three or four months, I think three months-and I did so, and the governor stood there, and the whole statehouse administration was there. When I said, "We demand of the governor to abolish the Baldwin guards," I did so; I don't deny it. I don't believe in any such brutal combination; they are a disgrace to our Nation; they violate every law; they teach the coming children to be lawbreakers, brutes, and murderers, and for that I am strictly opposed to those armies. And I would say, Mr. Weinstock, that I would ask this Government and ask this commission to demand of Congress that she pass a bill that the Government take over all of those detective agencies and run them on an honorable basis.

I don't believe I have had more experience with those people than any other one person in America and I have never seen one of them hurt. I could have had all those deputies and sheriffs murdered that morning down at Half Way, in Utah, if I had just said one word to those men the night before, but that would not settle the disease; the disease still remained. The disease lies in the private ownership of my bread, and one class of men can say how much I shall eat and how much my children shall eat. I stand for a better citizenship, and I stand for law and have stood for law, and in all my career it can be proven, the records of the courts, police and county, and everywhere can be searched, and there has never been a charge against me; I am always in favor of obeying the law; but if the high-class burglar breaks the law and defies it, then I say we will have a law that will defend the Nation and our people, for whenever a nation undertakes to crush her producers and to debase and dehumanize them, that nation is going over the breakers; it is the history of all nations down the stairway of time. In 50 years we have created more wealth than any other nation in the world has done in 700 years, and one group owns that wealth and the masses of people are impoverished.

I am for schools. I said to the governor of West Virginia, “If you had taken that $700,000 that you spent to crush my class, the miners, and put it into the schoolrooms of the State, and given to the Nation a more highly developed citizenship, morally, physically, and mentally, it would have been more valuable to the Nation. I saw the schooldoors closed on the children, and for many of them never to open again. Many of them had to go out and struggle for bread, and many were made criminals and idiots, and if that money, that $700,000 that was put into the militia, to crush my class, had been put into the schoolrooms we would have had less use for law.

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. There is no change to be made in that statement? Mother JONES. No; that can stay. I will tell you how that came to be put into the record. They had a little two-by-four lawyer in Charleston, and he made up a job with the coal company's lawyer to run that in, so that he could get it on me, and the miners are paying him $7,500 a year for doing nothing, only incarcerating them, and I am going to put a stop to that thing. Am I through? I am tired.

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. You know the purposes that this commission is created for, Mother Jones-that is, that Congress expects this commission to come back to it with recommendations for remedial legislation. Now, if you were a member of the commission, Mother Jones, what would you recommend to Congress to remedy the condition that you complain of?

Mother JONES. I will tell you, as I stated before we got to discussing this question, you and I, I was not an educated woman; I belong to the classes. I should recommend to Congress that they should do away with all of these arms and detective agencies, because they create crime. They are criminals. Commissioner WEINSTOCK. That is, to do away with the gunmen?

Mother JONES. And these detective agencies; let the Government run their agencies, and you will have less trouble, less crime, less penitentiary subjects, and you will have better manhood and better womanhood. I have a great deal to tell the commission, but it is unnecessary; but you see, Mr. Weinstock, we have spent years in the past, we are an infant in the history of nations yet, practically speaking. Now, we have spent our years following our birth invent

ing machinery, building railroads, telephones, telegraphs, and everything else, and we are reaching a stage where these inventions are taking the place of labor. There must be something done by the National Government to relieve this discontent, because we have armies of unemployed. Last Sunday I addressed a large meeting down here in Pennsylvania. It was the glass industry, where a thousand men were employed. The machine came in and threw the whole thousand of skilled mechanics out-10 men are doing the work of 1,000, and it is so in so many other industries.

Now, Mr. Weinstock, we had a Federal commission 15 years ago. I think Mr. O'Connell remembers that. That commission went through this Nation; it made some of the finest recommendations that could be made to Congress. Those recommendations lie up in the archives of this Nation, and I venture to say in the last 15 years not 12 Congressmen have read them. Now, you see, you had an investigation in Colorado; one whole year passed away, and two days before Congress closed they brought that up on the floor of the House. They had an investigation in Michigan that they never brought up at all. What good are the investigations if the public don't know what is happening in the country? My advice, and I give it to the workers when I speak to them is, when you send a man to the Senate or Congress or to the legislature, when he comes home have a platform at the depot, and make that representative tell you what he has done for the best interests of the Nation, and render an account of himself right then and there, and then you will not have so many Congressmen fighting for bills for the protection of 26 Broadway and other institutions like that.

Am I through?

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. Your recommendation, then, briefly, is this-I want to make sure that I understand it thoroughly-that the remedy for industrial unrest would be to wipe out the detective agencies? Mother JONES. That is only one step. Now, I believe in taking over the mines, Mr. Weinstock. They are mineral, and no operator, no coal company on the face of the earth made that coal. It is a mineral; it belongs to the Nation; it was there down the ages, and it belongs to every generation that comes along, and no set of men should be permitted to use that which is nature's. It should be given to all of nature's children in other nations.

Commissioner WEINSTOCK. Then your remedy would be public ownership of the mines?

Mother JONES. All other industries, and then we can get the hours of labor down and put men to work. I also believe in the ownership of the transportation lines. I don't want to put you out of a job, Mr. Aishton.

Chairman WALSH. We thank you, Mrs. Jones; and you will be excused permanently.

TESTIMONY OF MR. DANIEL DAVENPORT.

Chairman WALSH. What is your name, please?

Mr. DAVENPORT. Daniel Davenport.

Chairman WALSH. And where do you reside, Mr. Davenport?

Mr. DAVENPORT. Bridgeport, Conn.

Chairman WALSH. And what is your profession?

Mr. DAVENPORT. Lawyer. I have been practicing almost 40 years.

Chairman WALSH. Are you counsel for the American Anti-Boycott Association, Mr. Davenport?

Mr. DAVENPORT. General counsel; yes, sir.

Chairman WALSH. Who are or have been in part your associate counsel for the association?

Mr. DAVENPORT. Mr. James N. Beck preceded me as general counsel and Mr. Walter Gordon Merritt as associate counsel.

Chairman WALSH. I think Mr. Merritt submitted some recommendations to this commission in New York.

Mr. DAVENPORT. I have seen a pamphlet.

Chairman WALSH. When was the American Anti-Boycott Association started, Mr. Davenport? We must have better order in the room, please.

Mr. DAVENPORT. It was along in July, 1902, that the movement first began.

I believe it was organized along in 1903, in May, I think.

Chairman WALSH. Why was it started and by whom?

Mr. DAVENPORT. Well, the purpose of the organization is set forth in the constitution, which I don't happen to have a copy of. It was primarily———— Chairman WALSH. I have marked some sections of it, Mr. Davenport, to which I will direct your attention.