some time been developing themselves among tribes in constant intercourse with British traders and garrisons, without connecting their hostility with that influence; and without recollecting the authenticated examples of such interpositions heretofore furnished by the officers and agents of that government.

"Such is the spectacle of injuries and indignities which have been heaped on our country; and such the crisis which its unexampled forbearance and conciliatory efforts have not been able to avert. It might at least have been expected, that an enlightened nation, if less urged by moral obligations, or invited by friendly dispositions on the part of the United States, would have found in its true interest alone a sufficient motive to respect their rights and their tranquility on the high seas; that an enlarged policy would have favoured that free and general circulation of commerce, in which the British nation is at all times interested, and which in times of war is the best alleviation of its calamities to herself, as well as the other belligerents; and more especially that the British cabinet would not, for the sake of a precarious and surreptitious intercourse with hostile markets, have persevered in a course of measures which necessarily put at hazard the invaluable market of a great and growing country, disposed to cultivate the mutual advantages

of an active commerce.

"Other councils have prevailed. Our moderation and conciliation have had no other effect than to encourage perseverance, and to enlarge pretentions. We behold our seafaring citizens still the daily victims of lawless violence committed on the great common and highway of nations, even within sight of the country which owes them protection. We behold our vessels, freighted with the products of our soil and industry, or returning with the honest proceeds of them, wrested from their lawful destinations, confiscated by prize courts, no longer the organs of public law, but the instruments of arbitrary edicts; and their unfortunate crews dispersed and lost, or forced or inveigled in British ports into British fleet; whilst arguments are employed, in support of these aggressions, which have no foundation but in a principle equally supporting a olaim to regulate our external commerce in all cases whatsoever.

"We behold, in fine, on the side of Great Britain, a state of war against the United States; on the side of the United State a state of peace towards Great Britain.

"Whether the United States shall continue passive under these progressive usurpations, and these accumulating wrongs; or, o posing force to force in defence of their natural rights, shall cor mit a just cause into the hands of the Almighty disposer of event 1 avoiding all connections which might entangle it in the contests views of other powers, and preserving a constant readiness to c cur in an honorable re-establishment of peace and friendship, resolemn question, which the constitution wisely confides to them

he

gislative Department of the government. In recommending it to their early deliberations, I am happy in the assurance that the decision will be worthy the enlightened and patriotic councils of a virtuous, a free and a powerful nation.

"Having presented this view of the relations of the United States with Great Britain, and of the solemn alternative growing out of them, I proceed to remark, that the communications last made to Congress on the subject of our relations with France will have shown that since the revocation of her decrees as they violated the neutral rights of the United States, her government has authorised illegal captures, by its privateers and public ships, and that other outrages have been practised on our vessels and our citizens. It will have been seen also, that no indemnity had been provided, or satisfactorily pledged, for the extensive spoliations committed under the violent and retrospective orders of the French government against the property of our citizens seized within the jurisdiction of France. I abstain at this time from recommending to the consideration of Congress definitive measures with respect to that nation, in the expectation, that the result of unclosed discussions between our Minister Plenipotentiary at Paris and the French government will speedly enable Congress to decide, with greater advantage, on the course due to the rights, the interests, and the honour of our country. JAMES MADISON."

On the 18th of June it was enacted by Congress, "That WAR be, and the same is hereby declared to exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and the dependences thereof, and the United States of America and their territories; and that the President of the United States be and is hereby authorised to use the whole land and naval force of the United States to carry the same into effect, and to issue to private armed vessels of the United States commissions or letters of marque and general reprisal, in such form as he shall think proper, and under the seal of the United States, against the vessels, goods, and effects of the government of the same United Kingdoms of Great Britain and Ireland, and the subjects thereof."

The declaration of war was announced on the day after its pas sage by Proclamation, of which the following is a copy :

By the President of the United States of America,
A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the Congress of the United States, by virtue of the constituted authorities vested in them, have decided by their act, bearing date the eighteenth day of the present month, that War exist between the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependences thereof, and the United States of America tand their territories; Now, therefore, I JAMES MADISON, Presi

B

dent of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim the same to all whom it may concern; and I do specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil or military, under the authority of the United States, that they be vigilant and zealous, in discharging the duties respectively incident thereto : And I do moreover exhort the good people of the United States, as they love their country; as they value the precious heritage derived from the virtue and valor of their fathers as they feel the wrongs which have forced on them the last resort of injured nations; and as they consult the best means, under the blessing of Divine Providence, of abridging its calamities; that they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and the efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating all the measures which may be adopted by the constituted authorities, for obtaining a speedy, a just, and an honorable peace.

In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused (L. S.) the seal of the United States to be affixed to these

presents.

Done at the city of Washington, the nineteeth day of June,
one thousand eight hundred and twelve, and of the
Independence of the United States the thirty-sixth.
JAMES MADISON.

(Signed)

By the President,

JAMES MONROE, Secretary of State.

General Bloomfield, in his orders of the 20th June, as commander of the forts in the harbor of New-York, announced the declaration of war.

Commodore Rodgers immediately got under way, having under his command the frigates President, the United States, and Congress, the sloops Hornet and Argus. He was over the bar before 5 o'clock in the afternoon, and proceeded to sea in quest, as was supposed, of the British frigate Belvidera, and sloop of war Tartarus, which were, for some days, blockading that port and capturing our shipping. It is however probable that the enemy received such early notice of his intended fate as enabled him to effect a timely escape.

The Commodore, in an address to his crew, told them, the time had arrived when the country required their services—" If (said he) there are any of you unwilling to risk your lives with me, say so, and you shall be paid off and discharged." Every man huzza'd, and said they would stand or fall with their commodore.

First prisoner. Before the declaration of war was known at Norfolk, in Virginia, a stranger, by the name of Wilkinson, had arrived in that town, and lodged at the British Consul's. understood to be a British officer, though habited as a private gen.

He was

tleman. This circumstance was not noticed till the declaration of war was received, a few days after; when, as the mail-boat was about to depart for Hampton, he was observed making his way with uncommon speed and circumspection along the back street, which leads from the British Consul's to the wharf where the mail-boat lay, when he sprang on board, darted into the cabin, and in a few seconds the boat was under way. From his precipitate retreat some of the leading citizens were apprehensive he intended to communicate, without delay, the news of the war to a British man of war, known to be hovering on that coast. Two boats, one from the navy-yard, the other from fort Nelson, were immediately dispatched in pursuit of the mail-boat, which they overtook, and re-conducted Mr. Wilkinson to the navy-yard, as a prisoner of war. He was supposed to be a captain in the Royal Marines.

First prize. On the 25th June arrived at Norfolk, the schooner Patriot, J. A. Brown, master, from Guadaloup, bound to Halifax with a valuable cargo of sugar, as prize to the revenue cutter Jefferson, Wm. Ham, master.

Naval force. The following, at the commencement of the war, was a list of the naval force of the United States :

Vengeance,
Spitfire,

Military force.-As preparatory to a state of war, Congress, by their act of the 10th of April, 1812, had authorized a detachment from the militia of the United States of 100,000 men, apportioned

Instructions for private armed vessels.-Mr. Munroe, as Secretary of State, by command of the President, issued the following instructions to the captains and commanders of private armed vessels.

"1. The tenure of your commission under the act of Congress, entitled" an act concerning letters of marque, prizes, and prize goods, a copy of which is hereto annexed, will be kept constantly in your view. The high seas referred to in your commission, you will understand, generally, to extend to low water mark; but with the exception of the space within one league, or three miles, from the shore of countries at peace both with Great Britain and with the United States. You may nevertheless execute your commission within that distance of the shore of a nation at war with Great Britain, and even on the waters within the jurisdiction of such nation, if permitted so to do.

"2. You are to pay the strictest regard to the rights of neutral powers, and the usages of civilized nations; and in all your proceedings towards neutral vessels, you are to give them as little molestation or interruption as will consist with the right of ascertaining their neutral character, and of detaining and bringing them in for regular adjudication, in the proper case. You are particularly to avoid even the appearance of using force or seduction, with a view to deprive such vessels of their crews, or of their passengers, other than persons in the military service of the enemy.

3. Towards enemy's vessels and their crews, you are to proceed in exercising the rights of war, with all the justice and humanity which characterize the nation of which you are members.

"4. The master and one or more of the principal persons belonging to captured vessels, are to be sent, as soon after the cap