The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow WilsonSimon and Schuster, 11. mai 2010 - 256 sider The New York Times hailed John B. Judis's The Emerging Democratic Majority as "indispensable." Now this brilliant political writer compares the failure of American imperialism a century ago with the potential failure of the current administration's imperialistic policies. One hundred years ago, Theodore Roosevelt believed that the only way the United States could achieve peace, prosperity, and national greatness was by joining Europe in a struggle to add colonies. But Roosevelt became disillusioned with this imperialist strategy after a long war in the Philippines. Woodrow Wilson, shocked by nationalist backlash to American intervention in Mexico and by the outbreak of World War I, began to see imperialism not as an instrument of peace and democracy, but of war and tyranny. Wilson advocated that the United States lead the nations of the world in eliminating colonialism and by creating a "community of power" to replace the unstable "balance of power." Wilson's efforts were frustrated, but decades later they led to the creation of the United Nations, NATO, the IMF, and the World Bank. The prosperity and relative peace in the United States of the past fifty years confirmed the wisdom of Wilson's approach. Despite the proven success of Wilson's strategy, George W. Bush has repudiated it. He has revived the narrow nationalism of the Republicans who rejected the League of Nations in the 1920s. And at the urging of his neoconservative supporters, he has revived the old, discredited imperialist strategy of attempting to unilaterally overthrow regimes deemed unfriendly by his administration. Bush rejects the role of international institutions and agreements in curbing terrorists, slowing global pollution, and containing potential threats. In The Folly of Empire, John B. Judis convincingly pits Wilson's arguments against those of George W. Bush and the neoconservatives. Judis draws sharp contrasts between the Bush administration's policies, especially with regard to Iraq, and those of every administration from Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman through George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton. The result is a concise, thought-provoking look at America's position in the world -- then and now -- and how it has been formed, that will spark debate and controversy in Washington and beyond. The Folly of Empire raises crucial questions about why the Bush administration has embarked on a foreign policy that has been proven unsuccessful and presents damning evidence that its failure is already imminent. The final message is a sobering one: Leaders ignore history's lessons at their peril. |
Inni boken
Resultat 1-5 av 24
Side 4
... Israel " and the Kingdom of God on Earth . Well after the glow of Puritan conviction dimmed , Americans still believed that they had a unique or special millennial role in transforming the world - not necessarily into a replica of early ...
... Israel " and the Kingdom of God on Earth . Well after the glow of Puritan conviction dimmed , Americans still believed that they had a unique or special millennial role in transforming the world - not necessarily into a replica of early ...
Side 14
... Israel . " As one prominent Connecticut clergyman put it in 1777 , " We in this land are , as it were , led out of Egypt by the hand of Moses . " Over the next 225 years , this concept has kept recurring , whether in its original ...
... Israel . " As one prominent Connecticut clergyman put it in 1777 , " We in this land are , as it were , led out of Egypt by the hand of Moses . " Over the next 225 years , this concept has kept recurring , whether in its original ...
Side 15
... Israel , that would resemble the early Christian communities that the Puritans admired and that would combat the influence of the papal Antichrist . After the Revolution , many Ameri- cans moved from a primarily religious conception of ...
... Israel , that would resemble the early Christian communities that the Puritans admired and that would combat the influence of the papal Antichrist . After the Revolution , many Ameri- cans moved from a primarily religious conception of ...
Side 19
... Israel " that would serve as the site of the mil- lennium . Cotton Mather described New England as " the spot of Earth , which the God of Heaven spied out ... as the center of the future King- dom . " 18 In the mid - eighteenth century ...
... Israel " that would serve as the site of the mil- lennium . Cotton Mather described New England as " the spot of Earth , which the God of Heaven spied out ... as the center of the future King- dom . " 18 In the mid - eighteenth century ...
Side 23
... Israel " who " entered the promised land , with the implements of husbandry in one hand and the weapons of war in the other . " 32 In 1846 , writer , editor , and land speculator William Gilpin declared that " the untransacted destiny ...
... Israel " who " entered the promised land , with the implements of husbandry in one hand and the weapons of war in the other . " 32 In 1846 , writer , editor , and land speculator William Gilpin declared that " the untransacted destiny ...
Innhold
22 | |
Woodrow Wilson and the Conscience of the World | 95 |
Franklin Roosevelt and the Four Freedoms | 119 |
Cold War Liberalism from Truman to Reagan | 131 |
Bush Clinton and the Triumph of Wilsonianism | 149 |
George W Bush Sees Evil | 165 |
George W Bush and the Illusion of Omnipotence | 185 |
Conclusion | 201 |
Notes | 213 |
Index | 231 |
Andre utgaver - Vis alle
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2006 |
The Folly of Empire: What George W. Bush Could Learn from Theodore Roosevelt ... John B. Judis Begrenset visning - 2006 |
Vanlige uttrykk og setninger
administration's Ajami al-Qaeda alliances Amer American foreign policy American imperialism annexation Arab argued Asia became believed Beveridge Britain British Bush administration Bush's called century Cheney China Cited civilization Clinton Cold Cold War colonies conflict countries covenant create Cuba Cuban declared democracy democratic dollar diplomacy economic Europe European expansion Filipinos force France Franklin Roosevelt French George George H. W. Bush George W Germany global historian Ibid ican imperial power imperialist intervention invasion Iraq Iraq's Iraqi Islamic Israel Japan Jefferson John Josiah Strong Kristol Kuwait later League of Nations Lewis liberal liberty Lodge Mahan Manifest Destiny Max Boot McKinley Mexico Mideast military millennial mission nationalists neoconservatives occupation organization Palestinians peace Philippines political president Reagan Republican Revolution role Rumsfeld Saddam secretary Security Council Senate Soviet Union speech strategy Theodore Roosevelt trade treaty troops United Nations victory Vietnam Washington William Wilsonian Wolfowitz Woodrow Wilson York
Populære avsnitt
Side 89 - I want to take this occasion to say that the United States will never again seek one additional foot of territory by conquest.
Side 22 - Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct: and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence.
Side 45 - I walked the floor of the White House night after night until midnight; and I am not ashamed to tell you, gentlemen, that I went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light and guidance more than one night.
Side 105 - We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.
Side 62 - China has already found, that in this world the nation that has trained itself to a career of unwarlike and isolated ease is bound in the end to go down before other nations which have not lost the manly and adventurous qualities.
Side 103 - A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.
Side 106 - I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world...
Side 105 - Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to another by an international conference or an understanding between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be respected; peoples may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent. "Selfdetermination
Side 20 - Westward the course of empire takes its way, The four first acts already past, A fifth shall close the drama with the day : Time's noblest offspring is the last.
Side 87 - Since trade ignores national boundaries and the manufacturer insists on having the world as a market, the flag of his nation must follow him, and the doors of the nations which are closed against him must be battered down.