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Taking care always to keep ourselves by fuitable eftablishments, on a refpectable defenfive polture, we may fafely truft to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourfe with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and intereft.

But even our commercial policy fhould hold an equal and impartial hand; neither fecking or granting exclufive favours or preterrences;-confulting the natural course of things; diffufing and diverfitying by gentle means the Breams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers fo difpofed, in order to give trade a flable courfe, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to fupport them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that prefent circumftances and mutual opinion wil permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumftances fhall dictate; conftantly keeping in view, that's folly in one nation to look for difinterefted favours from another that it mult pay with a portion of its independency for whatever may accept under that character; that by fuch acceptance, it may place icfelf in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can

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be no greater error than to expect, or calculate, upon real favours from nation to nation. 'Tis an illufion which experience muft cure, which a just pride ought to difcard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, thefe counfels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the ftrong and lafting impreffion I could with that they will controut the ufual current of the paffions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the deftiny of nations: But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of fome partial benefit, fome occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party fpirit, to warn againtt the mifchiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard againft the impoflures of pretended patriotifm; this hope will be a full recompence for the folicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct muft witnefs to you and to the world. Tomyfelf, the affurance of my own confcience is, that I have at least believed myfelf to be guided by them.

In relation to the ftill fubfifting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my plan-Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Reprefentatives in both Houtes of Congrefs, the fpirit of that measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it."

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumflances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and intereft, to take a neutral pofition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as fhould depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation.

The confiderations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only obferve, that according to my underlanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which juflice and humanity impole on every nation, in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of intereft for obferving that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progrefs without interruption, to that degree of frength and confiftency, which is neceffary to give it, humanly fpeaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of my adminiftration, I'am unconscious. of intentional error: I am nevertheless too fenfible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be I fervently befeech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I fhall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never ceafe to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its fervice, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be confined to oblivion, as my felf muft foon be to the manfions of reft.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is fo natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himself and his progenitors for feveral generations: I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise my felf to realize, without alloy, the fweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws and under a free government-the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trafl, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.

UNITED STATES, 17th September, 1795.

G. WASHINGTON.'

In confequence of General Wafhington's refignation, the opinion of the electors were nearly equal in favour of John Adams the prefent Prefident, and Thomas Jefferson the Vice Prefident, the former having 72 votes, and the latter 69, John Adams was accordingly declared Prefident, and Thomas Jefferfon, Vice Prefident of the United States.

On the 3d or 4th of March 1797, the new Prefident attended by his illuftrious predeceffor, and the Vice Prefent repaired to the chamber of the boufe of Reprefentatives, where after having taken the oath of office, he delivered a speech to both houfes of Congrefs, in which amongst other things he expatiated on the excellence of our Conftitution, and particularly expreffed his fincere defire to do every thing, which lay in his power to term:nate the difentions which then unhappily exifted between this country and the French republic.

It ought not here to be omitted, that the French cruifers had for fome time, previous to this period, been remarkably injurious to the commerce of the United States. Arretes had been publifhed by their government authorifing their veffels of war and privateers, to capture American veffels carrying Britifa goods, in direct contradiction to the treaty of commerce between the two nations. Complaints were made to our government, who endea oured by negociation to have their grievances redreffed, Mr. Pinkney had accordingly been dispatched as our minifier Plenipotentiary to relide in Paris, but for reafons, which we do not pretend to comprehend, the French

Directory, although making the most friendly profeffiors towards the United States, not only refused to receive our envoy, but ordered him to quit the territories of France.-One reafon alledged for his net being received, as given by Talleyrand, in his communications with one of our ambaffadors fometime after, was, "because he was not in a fituation to fulfil the conditions, necellary for the renewal of the political connections." But to this it was well anfwered, that, "had he been received, he could have applied for other powers if neceffary, and that nothing was more ufual." The aft of rejecting this minifter, accompanied with circumflances of high difpleasure on the part of the French republic, could not fail to wound deeply the government of the United States. The Prefident accordingly on the receipt of the intelligence, iffued a proclamation for the convening of Congrefs in the month of May 1798.

The Prefident, upon the opening of this fellion, delivered a speech to both houfes of Congrefs, in which he pointed out the infult which had been offered to the American nation, by the rejection of our Amballador, the hoftile views, which the French government manifefled towards the United States, and the neceffity of the greateft preparations on our part, to repel any attack, which might be made against us. This feffion was fhort, but laws were paffed for augmenting the military forces, for the eftablifhment of a navy, and for the fortification of our principal ports, and harbours. With refpect to the two laft meafures, government was greatly affified by the voluntary fubfcriptions of a number of citizens, of whom many of the moft opulent not only contributed their money, but also their personal labour towards the defence of our ports and harbours.

Having mentioned a navy, it may not be improper to take notice of the circumflance which gave rife to its first commencement. We have already taken notice of the devaftations committed on our commerce by the Algerines. Our government had made every effort to ootain a peace from thefe pirates, but as all their overtures had hitherto been rejected, a law was paffed by Congrefs, authorizing the fitting out of a naval armament, to confift of four frigates of forty-four guns, and two of thirty-fix, which might be employed to cruize against them. It fo happened, however, that peace being fometime after fettled, between the United States and the Regency of Algiers, it was thought proper to poftpone the building of three of the above mentioned frigates; but the recent conduct of France, rendering it neceflary for us to defend ourselves against their cruizers, particularly their privateers in the Weft Indies, laws were paffed by Congrefs authorizing the fitting out of more veffels, and that they fhould likewife be authorized to capture fuch French veffels, as fhould be employed against the commerce of the United States.

1: may be fatisfactory to fome of our readers to know what number of vellels are now employed in the fervice of the United States. The following we believe is as accurate a lift as we can at prefent obtain.

No. 24.

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The veffels of war at prefent (April 1799) in the fervice of the United States, are ftationed in different parts of the West Indies, where they are employed in convoying our merchant veffels, and keeping the French privateers in port. One of them the Conftellation of thirty-fix guns and three hundred and feven men, commanded by captain Truxton, lately performed a very hand fome exploit, which cannot fail to have a very happy effect, on the character and future conduct of our navy. She came up with the French frigate L'Infurgente of forty guns and four hundred and nine men, which was cruifing for American veffels, and had lately taken a fmail armed veffel belonging to the United States. This fhip fhe took after an engagement of an hour and a quarter, in which the French had twenty-nine killed and forty fix wounded; the Americans one killed and three wounded; Although fome captures had been made by American vellels previous to this; yet we believe, this is the firft inftance in which blood was fpilt in the prefent conteft.

Since this affair another of our frigates the United States, has funk a French privateer which had taken many of our merchant veffels but the crew was faved.

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By authentic returns, it appears that the number of private fhips armed in the United States, is three hundred and fixty-five, carrying two thousand feven hundred and twenty-three guns, and fix thoufand eight hundred and forty-five men. This private armament is fill going on, with great vigour and inftances of its efficiency in protecting our trade daily occurs.

S on after the commencement of the late feffion, the fecretary of the navy prefented a report to congrefs of what farther addition he deemed neceflary to our marine.

"The protection of our coafts," fays he, "the fecurity of our extenfive country from invafion, in fome of its weaker parts, the fafety of our important commerce and our future peace, when the maritime nations of Europe war with each other: all Leem to demand that our naval force fhould be augmented: fo much augniented, indeed, as to make the moft powerful nations defire our friendship; the most unprincipled refpect our neutrality."

"Twelve fhips of feventy-four guns fays he, as many frigates, and twenty or thirty fmaller velfels, would probably be found (our geographical fituation and our means of annoying the trade of the maritime powers confidered) a force fufficient to infure our future peace with the nations of Europe. It would not, perhaps, be hazarding too much to fay, that had we poffeffed this force a few years ago, we frould not have loft, by depredations on our trade, four times the fum necellary to have created, and maintained it, during the whole time the war has exifted in Europe. If we do not profit by experience, and put ourfelves in a fituation to refent infult, and punifh aggreflion, nothing is more likely than that in a dozen years, another occafion may be prefented for a repetition of the fame mortifying obfervation."

This report gave rife to confiderable altercation in the house of reprefentatives. It was objected to on account of the expence with which it would be attended, and it was ftated that notwithflanding, we had for feveral years enjoyed a fiate of peace and tranquility, we had been fo far from difcharging any of the debts we had neceffarily contracted, during the revolutionary war, that they had fince been augmented by the addition of fix millions of dollars: and that by fuch an increafe of the navy as was contemplated in the report of the fecretary, our fituation would become fill more embarraffed. It was Hikewife obferved that a fleet to give full protection to our commerce, or to extend beyond what is neceffary to guard our coafts against pirates and privateers, would not only colt more than our trade was worth, but be at all times at the mercy of fome foreign nation. Amongst the moft diftinguished in the oppofition was Mr, Gallatin of Pennsylvania. This gentleman in the courfe of the debate obferved as follows. That it appeared to him that navies had been principally employed for the protection of colonies abroad or to increase the influence of the nation to which they belong in the rank of nations. In relation to colonies faid Mr. Gallatin we want no navy, as we have none, and he hoped never fhould have any. He trufled it would be our policy to be fatisfied with our own immenfe territory, without feeking for wealth in foreign conquefts and establishments. In relation to the Weft Indies, though they lie near us, he confidered a project of obtaining poffelfion of thofe iflands, as the most fatal policy that could be adopted; he hoped we fhould always trade with them, but never poffefs them. Yet if we have no use for our navy; after we have got it, the having a fleet may be made ufe of as an argument for endeavouring to obtain fome part of the Weft.Indies, and otherwife extending our power.

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