development, and, therefore, does not alone bear upon the remedying of immediate need, but would, so it is hoped, produce a type of men and women so developed, physically as well as mentally, as to be better prepared than now to hold their own in the struggle of life; associated with this power and duty of the state to take care of and be responsible for all children, there is a resolution which would prohibit the state from teaching any form of religion or of ethics based thereon. Its champions insist that it would put all religious denominations on the same level, and that religion in any form is better taught in the home and Sunday School than in any public school. This resolution caused more debate and more signs of feeling than any other considered, and was finally adopted by an overwhelming majority on a formal vote.

Other remedies dealing with the prevention of reduction in wages and the waste arising from labor disputes, such was the statement of its champion, Congress considered and adopted resolution asking for legislation to prevent the dismissal of employes because they are members of trade unions or co-operative societies, and other means to reach the same end, the establishment of Industrial Appeal Court, the extension of the Conciliation Act of 1896, condemnation of federated employers locking out their employes and refusing arbitration. There was considerable discussion on the two resolutions dealing with compulsory inquiry and industrial appeal courts, and it appeared to your delegates, viewing it as a matter of course from their own experience, that the action taken by the Congress can hardly be considered final. The resolution for an industrial appeal court was passed on a card vote, which indicates, we think, an imperfect appreciation on the part of the delegates of the full meaning of the resolution and results necessarily to flow therefrom. The resolution dealing with compulsory inquiry was defeated by about the same majority with which the appeal court was adopted, and your delegates believe that a full understanding of the inevitable results of a compulsory inquiry and report during the pendency of an industrial dispute will be such as to call for a greater condemnation than that which was administered to the proposition.

The sun

dry resolutions dealing with compulsory arbitration were grouped together, and, after a short but direct discussion, were defeated by a vote of about two to one.

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Arising out of the condition of unemployment there have been, for some time past, agencies established for the purpose of collecting together groups of men who have been sent to continental countries to be used as strike breakers. Congress dealt with a resolution on this subject, emphatically condemned those gaged in the traffic, as well as those who permitted themselves to be hired for this purpose, and the Congress, treating them as mercenaries, asked that the foreign enlistment act be applied in order to stop an evil which can have none but evil consequences to Englishmen as individuals or as a nation.

On motion of the Cigarmakers. Congress adopted a resolution calling for the passage of a clear law authorizing the

issue and specifying the ownership of trade union labe.s.

A large number of resolutions were introduced and adopted to give further protection to the health, life and limb of working people, amongst them resolution urging that engines and boilers on shore should not be placed in charge of any except those who, upon examination, had received a certificate certifying that they were competent to do the work; on the same line resolutions calling for amendment in the Employers' Liability Act. Another number of resolutions dealing with the safety of life in mines were, by unanimous consent, withdrawn, pending the report of a royal commission on that subject.

Closely related to this system of legislation is a system of industrial insurance, through which the employer relieves himself of individual responsibility by insuring himself agains. law suits, thus defeating the real purpose of all employers' liability acts, which is not payment for being hurt or crippled, but enlisting the employer's self-interest in his workers' safety. As a consequence Congress asks for a full inquiry into the industrial insurance systems and methods and for legislation based upon such facts as shall develop.

In the matter of old age pensions, which have been adopted by Parliament this last year, Congress asked for a minimum pension of at least five shillings per week and a reduction in the age limit from seventy to sixty. The Congress also considered and adopted some resolutions which may be considered as purely political, dealing with changes in the Parliamentary procedure, the establishment of a Minister of Labor, electoral reforms, including adult franchise, female as well as male, and the amending or abolition of the present system of the House of Lords.

It also considered and adopted some amendments to standing orders, so that its Parliamentary Committee would not be compelled to serve as a compulsory arbitration court in jurisdiction disputes.

Relating to the political movement we can report that there is in the House of Commons one member elected as a Socialist, thirty-one distinct Labor Party members, twenty-three Trade Unionists, mostly sitting as Liberals, all acting in perfect unison on any question recognized as a labor question. The Labor Party is financed by an affiliation fee of fifteen shillings per thousand per year, to be used as a working fund, and two pence per member per year for what is known as the maintenance fund (out of this fund members of Parliament elected under the Constitution of the Labor Party are entitled to two hundred pounds per year). Some of the members accept it. others turn it into their societies, from whom they get their maintenance in a regular yearly wage and who pay all the election expenses, except twenty-five per cent. of the returning officers' fee. The independent Labor Party has twenty thousand members, outside of the membership of trade unions, and pays proportionately into the fund. Co-operative societies are admissible, but have so far not taken much advantage thereof, there

being but two small co-operative SOcieties in the Labor Party.

We found from government publication, dealing with wages and hours of labor from 1898 to 1906, that there has been a gradual decrease in the hours and increase in wages in all lines where there is fairly effective organization, and less in proportion as the organization is less effective or non-existent, and that the tendency to go to the government for indirect and then for direct aid increases in proportion to the weakness of the organizations and its numerical strength in proportion to the number of men or women working in the same calling, and, therefore, entitled to affiliation. Speaking with individuals who had an opportunity of comparison, we were informed that there prevailed at this Congress a stronger and more distinct leaning to trade union methods and trade union remedies, as compared with those usually called socialistic and having due regard to the feeling and temper produced by the present industrial stagnation and the vast number of unemployed, the Congress was remarkable for the calmness in its discussion and the conservative tendency and caution in nearly all of its action.

The Congress was composed of 518 delegates representing 213 societies and a membership of 1,776,000, as compared with the last session held in Nottingham in 1883, when there were 163 delegates representing 163 societies and a membership of 471,651. At its opening it was welcomed by the mayor, the sheriff, the three members of Parliament sitting for Nottingham, the bishop of the diocese and the president and secretary of the local movement. Aside from your own fraternal delegates, there were seated fraternal delegates from the Labor Party, the Federation of Trade Unions and the Co-operative Society.

The work of the Parliamentary Committee for the year was submitted in printed form and distributed amongst the delegates, considered point for point and adopted with very little objection on the part of any of the delegates. The vast majority of it was, indeed, received and adopted under manifestations of genuine appreciation.

The address of the Chairman of the Parliamentary Committee, and by virtue thereof. Chairman of the Congress, Mr. D. J. Shackelton, who will be pleasantly remembered as the fraternal delegate at the Norfolk Convention, was an able paper and was received with very cordial applause and every manifestation of approval by the Congress. Besides the many other good things contained in the report. it referred to the International Convention seventeen years ago called by the Emperor of Germany with a purpose of international arriving at an agreement on legislation for the preservation of health, the safety of life and limb, the protection of women and children in industrial occupations, and then goes on to state that the government would be acting in accordance with the of this desires of organized workers country if they took the lead and arranged for such a Convention to be held in London, such gathering to have

a

proper number of actual representatives of labor in its membership.

The chairman stated that in this matter he should be glad of a direct expression of approval or non-approval of the Congress on this particular subject. The approval of the Congress was swift and decisive and heartily in accord with the report.

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The reception accorded your delegates on the other side was of the most hospitable character. It was not confined to the members of the Parliamentary Committee, or the Trades Unionists or people of Nottingham, but every one came in contact with in England seemed to take particular delight in making our stay as pleasant as could be possibly done and which your delegates hold in the keenest remembrance and the highest sense of gratitude.

Among the many pleasant entertainments in which we participated, none impressed us more forcibly than the Temperance Fellowship Tea. This Temperance Fellowship consists of officials and representatives of trade and labor unions only, organized for the purpose of promoting temperance among the officials of the labor organizations.

We were requested by the Parliamentary Committee, stating they felt sure they spoke for the Congress as well, to bring back to the United States an invitation to President Gompers to come to the Trades Union Congress next year, coupled with a special request to the American Federation of Labor to send him as a special representative, in no way interfering with the two regular delegates. The next Congress will be held at Ipswich, and Mr. A. H. Gill, from the Amalgamated Cotton Spinners, and Mr. J. Wadsworth, of the Miners' Federation, were elected as fraternal delegates to the American Federation of Labor.

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In conclusion your delegates desire to express the opinion which is the result of several years of thought, and which has not been altered by our presence at the Congress, that in order to get the most possible good out of the exchange of fraternal delegates we should invite the British fraternal delegates the American Federation of Labor to participate in the discussion at the Convention whenever in their judgment they could be helpful in coming to a right conclusion, by stating the experience which they have had with the same or similar subjects or matters in Great Britain.

Thanking you for the honor conferred and the opportunity given us as your fraternal delegates, we are, Very respectfully and fraternally

"There are two particular subjects that came before the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada I will speak of, on which I shall quote the verbatim report as it came before the Congress. I shall not be expressing my own opinion. One of the subjects deals with independent political action; the other is the report of their special representative to England in regard to immigration as carried on by the Salvation Army. I report this as it was presented to the Congress by their representative's report and in a speech by J. Kier Hardie."

REPORT OF FRATERNAL DELEGATE TO THE TRADES AND LABOR CONGRESS OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA.

To the Officers and Delegates of the Twenty-Eighth Annual Convention of the American Federation of Labor:

Brother Delegates: As your delegate to the Twenty-Fourth Annual Convention of the Trades and Labor Congress of Canada, held in the city of Halifax, Nova Scotia, September 21st to 26th, 1908, I desire to submit the following report for your consideration and approval:

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Convention opened Monday, September 21st, at 9 a. m., in the Legislative Assembly Chambers. The session opened with an able address of welcome by Mr. R. E. Scott, President of the Halifax Trades and Labor Council. Hon. Geo. H. Murray, Premier of Nova Scotia, and Mayor Crosby of Halifax, also welcomed the delegates as the official heads of the Provincial Government of the city of Halifax. Their warm welcome was fully appreciated by the delegates, who liberally applauded the sentiments of good feeling expressed toward them.

To give you a full report of the doings of the Convention during the week would be almost impossible. I will only deal briefly with a few of the most important matters considered. The report of the executive officers dealt with the matter of independent political action, immigration, interviews with the federal government on the appointment of a minister of labor, the passage of a Dominion workman's compensation act, the Lemieux act, technical education, eight-hour day law, establishment of old-age pensions, international trades unionism and many other important questions affecting the wage earner of Canada.

One of the most important reports to the Convention was that of Mr. W. R. Trotter, the delegate sent to Great Britain by the Congress last year to report on the misrepresentations alleged to have been made to intending immigrants to Canada. His report, which was an exceedingly lengthy one, made numerous strictures on the immigration schemes of the Salvation Army. After showing that the unemployed problem was becoming pressing in Canada, and that men were coming in where there was already an overflow of labor and thus adding to the number of unemployed, he proceeded to deal with the Salvation Army scheme thus:

"With the exception of the manufacturers' association, no society meddling with immigration has earned for itself such universal condemnation as has this body. The workers of the Dominion, who are in the best position to know and understand the efforts of their policy, are now up in arms against a continuance of this system, and as the public become better acquainted with the methods employed by these people a revulsion of feeling will set in which will demand that public money shall no longer be disbursed by irresponsible parties, whose lack of knowledge of the effects of their interference in the labor market is now historical. The Salvation Army has now entered into the immigration business as a commercial speculation. Existing solely as it does on the unquestioning benevolence of an indulgent public who have been grossly misled as to the nature and extent of their so-called 'social work,' the 'Army' is enabled to advertise and boost its own schemes upon the money thus subscribed, with the result that to-day it ranks as the most widely known combination of immigration touts in the British Isles. Almost every newspaper contains advertisements of the supposed advantages of booking to Canada through their agency. Huge posters decorate the boardings, and in some places electric signs tell you to 'book to Canada through the Salvation Army.' In the immigration section of the 'Army' one notices all the features of the old time agency, combined with just enough of the odor of sanctity to blind the aforesaid indulgent public, and to some extent disarm criticism."

His report went on to show that where city councils that sent out immigrants by the Salvation Army, the councils had all the expense and the "Army" got all the glory, besides a considerable margin of profit in each case. The report also said the Army mutilated Immigration Department booklets by pasting labels over sections of them that referred to free information from the Dominion agents.

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Brigadier Howell and Colonel Lamb, of the Army staff, were present and were given an opportunity to reply. Colonel Lamb, who is in charge of the Army's immigration work to Canada, took up a large number of Mr. Trotter's charges and replied to them. Brigadier Howell, in replying to the various statements, said he did not think anything he could say would bring about a better understanding. He would like to get on friendly basis with the Congress, and suggested that a committee be appointed to meet the Army and discuss the various questions. The Army had tried not to interfere with any labor questions. and whatever may happen in the future he would be glad to consult representatives of organized labor in placing men. As a result of Mr. Trotter's report and the Army officers' attendance at the meeting of congress, the following telegram was received later by SecretaryTreasurer P. M. Draper, from Brigadier Howell of the Salvation Army: "It might interest the Trades and Labor Congress to learn that we have decided to discontinue chartered ships of next year. We will also exercise greatest

care and be governed by conditions here. Hope and believe much good will result from Monday's conference, arrangements for which we appreciate deeply."

The report of Secretary-Treasurer Draper was of a highly gratifying character. It showed an increase in receipts within the past ten years from $611 to $8,506. In every particular the report showed growth surpassing all previous records, the increase in membership last year alone being 7,731 and in the revenue from per capita tax of $2,151.74, making a total membership of 40,728 directly affiliated, representing 628 unions.

A number of resolutions of importance to the trades unionists of Canada were dealt with by the Congress, among which was one condemning the "Lemieux bill" and asking for its repeal.

This resolution caused considerable discussion, many friends of the bill opposing the repeal. The following amendment was made and carried: "That the trades immediately affected by the Lemieux act be requested to submit to the Executive Council of the Congress the necessary amendments to make the bill effective from the working class standpoint, and that the Executive Council be instructed to obtain these amendments to the act, and that in the event of the government refusing to grant these amendments a referendum be submitted to the trades affected by the act, and that the Congress pledge itself to that vote."

The report_of_Organizers W. R. Trotter and R. P. Pettipiece were very inmade progress teresting, showing the during the year in organizing.

Rev. Dr. Shearer, Secretary of the Department of Moral and Social Reform, of the Presbyterian church in Canada, addressed the Congress at some length. The general tenor of his address, which was an admirable one, and heard by the Congress with the closest attention, was to invite the active co-operation of organized labor with the Department of Meral and Social Reform of the Presbyterian church to attain results which are their common aim. In this connection, I desire to say that the Rev. Dr. Shearer represents the Presbyterian church in Canada in the same manner as the Rev. Charles Stelzle represents that denomination in the United States in the Department of Church and Labor. It was decided by the Congress to send out a circular to all affiliated unions and friendly unaffiliated unions asking for a ten-cent assessment to defray the cost of keeping W. R. Trotter, as agent of the Congress, in Great Britain, for the education of the public there regarding immigration to Canada, and other purposes.

Mr. J. Kier Hardie addressed the Congress on political action. He held that trades unionism without political action is lopsided. Labor must, said he, enter the political arena if it is to successfully combat the forces opposed to it. Mr. Hardie remarked that while he was personally a Socialist and hoped for the triumph of Socialism at the earilest possible time, he desired most of all to effect a united trades unionism. He

showed in England where the term "Socialism" has no such restricted meaning as in Canada and the United States. He argued that in this country there were all the materials for a great Socialistic movement, but he would say in all kindness that with the present attitude of the believers in socialism and the champions of organized labor pure and simple, it meant a divorce of interests resulting in permanent injury to both.

The present position of the Socialistic party in Canada he would describe as that of Phariseeism. The autocratic attempt to force their ideas upon the people did not tend to the uniting of the ranks of the workers.

In conclusion, Mr. Hardie urged as vital that the political movement must be financed by trades unions.

Mr. Hardie was presented with a handsome ebony, gold-headed cane by the Congress, at the conclusion of his address, to which he suitably replied.

In concluding this brief report, I desire to say that it is urgent upon the various International organizations to have their organizers visit Canada as often as possible to assist the Congress in organizing the unorganized help; keep the organized within the fold and oppose the efforts of the National movement, which is gaining considerable headway in some sections of the Dominion.

The Congress while in session disposed of a great deal of important work which is bound to be of lasting benefit to the wage earners of Canada, and on every possible occasion during its sessions the delegates voiced their confidence and high regard for the American Federation of Labor and its officers.

The many courtesies shown me by the officers and delegates of the Congress will always remain one of my most pleasant memories.

Quebec was chosen as the next place of meeting, and the following officers were elected:

President, Alphonse Verville, M. P., reelected unanimously.

Vice-President, James Simpson,

elected.

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Secretary-Treasurer, P. M. Draper, re

elected.

Fraternal Delegate to the American Federation of Labor Convention, P. M. Draper.

Fraternally submitted,

HUGH FRAYNE, Delegate. Secretary Morrison: As there is very little business before the Convention this afternoon, and I see in the hall a gentleman who is giving a great deal of his time to work along the same line as labor organizations, I would move that he be invited to address this Convention for a short time. The gentleman I have in mind is an eloquent speaker, and many of the delegates have heard him. I refer to Mr. Raymond Robins of Chicago.

The motion was seconded and carried. Mr. Robins was introduced to the Convention by President Gompers, and said:

Mr. President, Fellow Delegates, Fellow Citizens, Men of Labor, Men and Women Who Work and Think and Have Some Large Purpose in the Common Life of the World: I am glad to talk with you for a little while this afternoon as one man speaks to other men, and as a man speaks to his friends. Underneath all this great struggle that marks the conflict of labor in the world of men is really a great idea. And every form of that struggle is simply an expression in one aspect or another of a great idea; and the divisions between men and society, earnest men, capable men, who divide, on the one hand, friendly to organized labor, and others who divide, on the other hand, in sometimes bitter enmity to organized labor, is really, when it is sifted down, to be determined upon one real principle underneath the whole struggle.

The Danbury Hatters' case, injunctions granted by judges at night while propped up by pillows in their beds, with nobody present but the lawyers for the employers-all these conflicts are to be explained on one ground. That ground is this: the whole conflict in this country and in the world between the men of labor on the one hand, and the men opposed to labor on the other hand, is this: that the men of labor are advancing and affirming and declaring and maintaining the citizenship values of the working man; and the other group is advancing and maintaining and advocating the profit values of the labor of man; and the whole struggle comes out of the point of view whether or not you are interested as a citizen of the Republic, as a man, in the citizenship values of human labor, or whether you are interested chiefly in the profit values, the property values of human labor as an asset for certain individuals, or people, or corporations or employers. There is the whole conflict, and you will find intelligent and able men whose minds are devoted to the question of the money side of the conflict, who become so biased and so set in their judgment that they lose sight of the human values in the controversy altogether. They do not care especially for child labor, they do not care especially to stop women from those employments that break down their health and destroy their possibility of becoming mothers. You can get the basis of the conflict on whether the group is interested most in the human values, the citizen values, or most in the property values, the profit values of the men. There are able and honest men sitting as judges in high courts who believe that judgments in protection of property rights that are manifestly in destruction of human rights are really good, because they see only the property values in the controversy.

And this brings me, men of labor, to the thing I am glad to say in this Convention this afternoon. The problem before labor in America and the world is a problem of interpretation. It is a problem of getting out the citizenship values in the possession of organized labor, and forcing the recognition of these values upon the men and women of fair purpose and honest intentions in the community and in the state and in the nation. There are more fair-minded men than there are of the other kind. There

are more people in the world who want to do the right thing than who purposely want to do the wrong thing; and while there are those implicated in the steal directly, men and women who profit greatly out of the social injustice and wrong in the industrial situation of our country, they will never be the people who will lead in the cause of labor. It is also true that when you convince a man or woman, whether they are friendly to labor or are opposed to labor, that the values of manhood and womanhood and childhood are involved, you break down the efficiency of that man or woman in opposing the just demands of labor for the future. All over this country there are large groups of men or women not directly engaged in the struggle who do not understand themselves and their relationship to the struggle. Two millions of working men, more or less intelligent, on the one hand, and half a million employers, more or less intelligent, on the other hand, and a great mass of men and women in between who have not the true values of this struggle in their mind, and who, if they do have the true values, would support many of the just demands of labor. It is a problem of interpretation, a problem of making the real human value manifest to many men and women not directly interested personally in this struggle.

While organized labor fought its battles on the industrial field we made advances. You know that struggle intimately. You know that when labor with its committee met with the committee of the employers and sat down at the table and discussed the demands of labor we made advances. We made advances because the great human values under our contentions carries us on in spite of the ability and the greed of the opposing forces. But there came a time in this country about ten years ago when a great number of employers began to form into more or less secret organizations. They were called manufacturers' associations in some cities, employers' associations in some states, citizens' alliances in some towns; but the purpose behind them all, regardless of the fair promises and fair-spoken words, the definite and organized and powerful purpose was to break down trade unions in every industry in this country. How did they go about it? Not by discussing it in the open. They went about it by forming lobbies in various legislatures, by forming a lobby in the Congress of the United States. by engaging the services of lawyers who were friendly to special judges-who had the "pull," as it were, of friendship and past favors upon judges on benches in state and federal courts. Let us speak the facts as they occurred. Organized labor then found itself contesting on the industrial field with the more or less fair manufacturers of the country-and I wish to say there are some manufacturers who are as fair and reasonable and decent men as can be found anywhere, and we are mighty glad to have those men. We found ourselves dealing with them, on the one hand, in the industrial field, while the other group, the employers of scab labor,