Court in the Hatters' case, while not directly prohibiting the exercise of these rights, yet so applies the Sherman law to labor that acts involving the cause of free press and free speech, and hitherto assumed to be lawful, now become evidence upon which triple damages may be collected and fine and imprisonment added as a part of the penalty.

Indeed, the decision goes so far as to hold the agreements of unions with employers, to maintain industrial peace, to be "conspiracies." and the evidence of unlawful combinations in restraint of trade and commerce. thus effectually throttling labor by penalizing as criminal the exercise of its normal, peaceful rights and activities. The fact that these acts are in reality making for the uplift and the betterment of civilization as a whole does not seem to be understood or appreciated by the courts. The workers hope for a broader and more intelligent appreciation from Congress.

It is not necessary here to enter into a detailed review of this decision.

The workers ask from Congress the relief which it alone can give from the injustice which will surely result from the literal enforcement of the Sherman anti-trust law as interpreted by this decision. The speedy enactment of labor's proposed amendment to the Sherman anti-trust law will do much to restore the rights from which the toilers have been shorn.

We submit for consideration, and trust the same will be enacted, two provisions amendatory of the Sherman anti-trust law, which originally were a part of the bill during the stages of its consideration by the Senate and before its final passage, and which are substantially as follows:

That nothing in said act (Sherman antitrust law) or in this act is intended nor shall any provision thereof hereafter be enforced so as to apply to organizations or associations not for profit and without capital stock, nor to the members of such organizations or as ciations.

That nothing in said act (Sherman antitrust law) or in this act is intended nor shall any provision thereof hereafter be enforced so as to apply to any arrangements, agreements or combinations among persons engaged in agriculture or horticulture, made with a view of enhancing the price of their own agricultural or horticultural products.

It is clearly an unwarranted assumption on the part of the courts or others to place the voluntary associations of the workers in the same category as trusts and corporations owning stock and organized for profit.

On the one hand, we have the trusts and corporations dealing with purely material things, and mostly with the inanimate products of labor. On the other hand there are the workers whose labor power is part of their very lives and beings. and which can not be differentiated from their ownership in and of themselves.

The effort to categorically place the workers in the same position as those who deal in the products of labor of others is the failure to discern between things and man.

It is often flippantly averred that labor is a commodity, but modern civilization

has clearly and sharply drawn the line between a bushel of coal, a side of pork and the soul of a human, breathing. living man.

The enactment of the legislation which we ask will tend to so define and safeguard the rights of the workers of today and those who will come after them, that they may hope to continue to enjoy the blessings of a free country as intended by the founders of our government.

In the relief asked for in the proposed amendment to the Sherman anti-trust law which we present to Congress, labor asks for no special privileges and no exemption from the treatment which any lawabiding citizen might hope to receive in a free country.

Indeed, the present Parliament of Great Britain at its session in December, 1906, enacted into law what is known as the trades dispute act. It is brief, and we therefore quote its provisions in full:

1. It shall be lawful for any person or persons acting either on their own behalf or on behalf of a trade union or other association of individuals, registered or unregistered, in contemplation of or during the continuance of any trade dispute, to attend for any of the following purposes at or near a house or place where a person resides or works, or carries on his business, or happens to be:

(1) For the purpose of peacefully obtaining or communicating information; (2) For the purpose of peacefully persuading any person to work or abstain from working.

2. An agreement or combination by two or more persons to do or procure to be done any act in contemplation or furtherance of a trade dispute shall not be ground for an action, if such act when committed by one person would not be ground for an action.

3. An action shall not be brought against a trade union or other association aforesaid, for the recovery of damage sustained by any person or persons by reason of the action of a member or members of such trade union or other association aforesaid.

We subunit that if such relief from the onerous conditions brought about by the Taff-Vale decision of the highest court of Great Britain can be enacted by a monarchical government, there ought to be no hesitancy in conceding it in our own Republic.

The unions of labor aim to improve the standard of life; to uproot ignorance and foster education; to instill character, manhood, and an independent spirit anong cur people; to bring about a recognition of the interdependence of man upon his fellow-man. We aim to establish a normal workday; to take the children from the factory and workshop and give them the opportunity of the schools, the home, and the playground. In a word, our unions strive to lighten toil, educate their members, make their homes more cheerful, and in every way contribute an earnest effort toward making life the better worth living. To achieve these praiseworthy ends, we believe that all honorable and lawful means are justifiable and commendable and

should receive the sympathetic support of every right-thinking American.

Labor asks only for justice. It asks that it be not victimized and penalized under laws never intended to apply to it. We hope for a prompt recognition on the part of Congress of the wage-workers' very reasonable and moderate insistence in this important matter.

In addition, the other most important measures which labor urges are:

The bill to regulate and limit the issuance of injunctions-"Pearre bill."

Employers' liability bill.

The bill extending the application of the eight-hour law to all government employes and those employed upon work for the government, whether by contractors or subcontractors.

There are other measures pending which we regard as important, but we feel especially justified in urging the passage of these mentioned, because they have been before Congress for several sessions, and upon which extended hearings have been had before committees, every interest concerned having had ample opportunity to present arguments, and there is no good reason why action should longer be deferred by Congress.

We come to Congress hoping for a prompt and adequate remedy for the grievances of which we justly complain. The psychological moment has arrived for a total change of governmental policy toward the workers; to permit it to pass may be to invite disaster even to our national life.

In this frank statement of its grievances the attitude of labor should not be misinterpreted, nor should it be held as wanting in respect for our highest lawmaking body.

That the workers, while smarting under a most keen sense of injustice and neglect, turn first to Congress for a remedy, shows how greatly they still trust in the power and willingness of branch of the government to restore, safeguard and protect their rights.

this

Labor proposes to aid in this work by exercising its utmost political and industrial activity, its moral and social influence, in order that the interests of the masses may be represented in Congress by those who are pledged to do justice to labor and to all our people, not to promote the special interests of those who would injure the whole body politic by crippling and enslaving the toilers.

Labor is most hopeful that Congress will appreciate the gravity of the situation which we have endeavored to present. The workers trust that Congress will shake off the apathy which has heretofore characterized it on this subject and perform a beneficent social service for the whole people by enacting such legislation as will restore confidence among the workers that their needs as law-abiding citizens will be heeded.

Only by such action will a crisis be averted. There must be something more substantial than fair promises. The present feeling of widespread apprehension among the workers of our country becomes more acute every day. The desire for decisive action becomes more intense.

While it is true that there is no legal appeal from a Supreme Court decision, yet we believe Congress can and should enact such further legislation as will mcre clearly define the rights and liberties of the workers.

Should labor's petition for the righting of the wrongs which have been imposed upon it and the remedying of injustice done to it pass unheeded by Congress and those who administer the affairs of our government, then upon those who have failed to do their duty, and not upon the workers, will rest the responsibility.

The labor union is a natural, rational and inevitable outgrowth of our modern industrial conditions. To outlaw the union in the exercise of its normal activities for the protection and advancement of labor and the advancement of society in general is to do a tremendous injury to all people.

The repression of right and natural activities is bound to finally break forth in violent form of protest, especially among the more ignorant of the people, who will feel great bitterness if denied the consideration they have a right to expect at the hands of Congress.

As the authorized representatives of the organized wage-earners of our country, we present to you in the most conservative and earnest manner that protest against the wrongs which they have to endure and some of the rights and relief to which they are justly entitled. There is not a wrong for which we seek redress, or a right to which we aspire, which does not or will not be equally shared by all the workers-by all the people.

While no member of Congress or party can evade or avoid his or their own individual or party share of responsibility, we aver that the party in power must and will by labor and its sympathizers be held primarily responsible for the failure to give the prompt, full and effective congressional relief we know to be within its power.

We come to you not as political partisans, whether Republican, Democratic, or other, but as representatives of the wageworkers of Our country, whose rights, interests and welfare have been jeopardized and flagrantly, woefully disregarded and neglected. We come to you because vou are responsible for legislation, or the failure of legislation. If these or new questions are unsettled, and any other political party becomes responsible for legislation, we shall press home upon its representatives and hold them responsible, equally as we now must hold

urer, Executive Council American Federation of labor.

George L. Berry, Norman C. Sprague, International Printing Pressmen's Union. John P. Frey, Iron Molders' Union of North America.

G. M. Huddleston, International Slate and Tile Roofers' Union.

James Wilson, Pattern Makers' League of North America.

Richard Braunschweig, Amalgamated Wood Workers' International Union.

Charles R. Atherton, A. B. Grout, Metal Polishers', Buffers', Platers' and Brass Workers' Union.

Jere L. Sullivan, Hotel and Restaurant Employes' International Alliance.

W. R. Fairley, Thomas Haggerty, United Mine Workers' Union of North America.

A. McAndrews, E. Lewis Evans, Tobacco Workers' International Union.

James J. Freel. International Stereotypers' and Electrotypers' Union.

W. F. Costello, H. T. Rogers, International Steam and Hot Water Fitters' and Helpers' Union.

James O'Connell, Arthur E. Holder, A. McGilray International Association Machinists.

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M. O'Sullivan, Thomas F. Ryan, Amalgamated Sheet Metal Workers' International Alliance.

J. E. Pritchard, International Pavers and Rammermen.

Thomas T. Maher, Amalgamated Sheet Metal Workers' International Alliance. J. L. Feeney, International Brotherhood of Bookbinders.

C. M. Barnett, O. D. Pauley, American Society of Equity.

Timothy Healy, International Brotherhood of Stationary Firemen.

Rezin Orr, W. D. Mahon, Amalgamated Street and Electric Railway Employees. John A. Moffitt, Martin Lawlor, United Hatters of North America.

J. W. Kline, H. G. Poulesland, J. M. Cox, International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers.

F. M. Ryan, Bridge and Structural Iron Workers' International Association.

Wm. J. Barry, Pilots' Association. A. B. Lowe, International Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employes.

W. W. Beattie, Wesley Russell, Percy Thomas, Commercial Telegraphers' International Union of America.

J. E. Davenport, A. B. Wilson, International Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way Employes.

M. J. Shea, International Stereotypers' and Electrotypers' Union.

James L. Gernon, Pattern Makers' League of North America.

J. M. McElroy, Brush Makers' International Union.

T. A. Rickert, B. A. Larger, United Garment Workers of America.

M. Zuckerman, H. Hinder, United Cloth Hat and Cap Makers of North America.

H. B. Perham, A. T. McDaniel, W. J. Gregory. Order of Railroad Telegraphers. Jas. F. Speirs, Thos. C. Nolan, Wm. Grant, Brotherhood of Boiler Makers and Iron Shipbuilders.

F. J. Kelly, International Photo-Engravers' Union,

Wm D. Huber, James Kirby, United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners.

Samuel Gompers, G. W. Perkins, Thos. F. Tracy, Cigarmakers' International Union.

J. T. Carey, International Brotherhood of Paper Makers of North America.

J. B. Espey, M. J. Kelly, International Brotherhood of Bookbinders.

Jno. F. Breen, Hod Carriers' and Building Laborers' International Union.

Max Morris, J. A. Anderson, Herman Robinson, D. F. Manning, Retail Clerks' International Protective Association.

Jno. F. Tobin, Jno. P. Murphy, Boot and Shoe Workers' Union.

Wm. Silver, Granite Cutters' International Association.

W. A. James, F. M. Nurse, International Brotherhood of Stationary Fire

men.

J. C. Balhorn, Brotherhood of Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers of America. Chas. C. Bradley, E. E. Desmond, American Wire Weavers' Protective Association.

Jno.

A. Dyche, International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union.

Wm. J. Spencer, United Association of Plumbers, Gas Fitters, Steam Fitters and Steam Fitters' Helpers.

Joseph N. Weber, American Federation of Musicians.

T. J. Sullivan, Hotel and Restaurant Employees' International Alliance.

J. H. Williams, Order of Railway Telegraphers.

F. L. Mahan, Ed. L. Schrack, International Plate Printers.

John J., Hanrahan, A. P. Kelly, H. Brosmer, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers.

John Manning, Shirt Waist and Laundry Workers' International Union.

Č. A. Laflin, Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and Engineers.

Wm. H. Frazier, International Seamen's Union.

T. J. Duffy. Frank H. Hutchens, Ed. Menge, International Brotherhood of Operative Potters.

V. A. Olander, International Seamen's Union.

Frank L. Ronemus, Brotherhood of Railway Car Men of America. George C. Griffin, United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners of America. Louis Kemper, A. J. Kugler, William Hellmuth, International Union of Brewery Workers of America.

T. C. Parsons, George G. Seibold, International Typographical Union.

D. A. Hayes, William Launer, James J. Dunn, F. H. Williams, Glass-Bottle Blowers' Association.

James McHugh, Journeyman Stone Cutters' Association.

Daniel J. Keefe, Thomas Gallagher, International Longshoremen's Association. T. A. Rickert, United Garment Workers of America.

J. J Flynn, P. J. Flannery, Interior Freight Handlers and Warehousemen's Union.

W. J. McSorley, R. V. Brandt, Wood, Wire and Metal Lathers' International Union.

P. J. McArdle, John Williams, Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers.

Jacob Fischer, Frank K. Noschang, Journeymen Barbers' International Union. John Golden, Albert Hibbert, United Textile Workers of America.

Daniel J. Tobin, International Brotherhood of Teamsters.

Matt Comerford, International Union of Steam Engineers.

F. A. Didsbury, Pocketknife-Blade Grinders and Finishers' National Union.

Edward W. Potter, Homer D. Call, H. L. Eichelberger, A. L. Webb, Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workers of North America.

Frank Gehring, Lithographers International Protective and Beneficial Association.

J. F. Murphy, International Union of Elevator Constructors.

Frederick Benson, International Seamen's Union.

John H. Brinkman, Carriage and Wagon Workers' International Union. Richardson, International

P. F. Car Workers. Joseph Reilly, United Brotherhood of Carpenters.

I. B. Kuhn, Cigarmakers' International Union.

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Thomas McGilton, Brotherhood Painters, Decorators and Paperhangers. John Weber, Bakery and Confectionery Workers' International Union. James J. McCracken, International Union of Steam Engineers.

James H. Hatch, Upholsterers' International Union.

J. F. McCarthy, Hotel and Restaurant Employes' International Alliance.

Office of the American Federation of Labor.

ADDRESS TO WORKERS.

Washington, D. C., March 18, 1908. To Organized Labor and Farmers' Associations, Greeting:

The "Protest Conference" of the representatives of the workers of our country assembled in Washington, D. C., on March 18, 1908, will probably go down in history as the greatest gathering ever held to solemnly voice the protest of the people against the denial of the rights of the workers by the judiciary. This conference will be memorable also for the declaration and action looking toward the upholding and defending of the rights of all our people.

There were gathered in this conference the responsible executive officers of 118 national and international trade unions; assembled with them in hearty agreement were representatives of the Farmers' American Society of Equity and also officers of railway brotherhoods. No more representative and responsible gathering of the men of labor, we believe, was ever brought together in the effort to voice the just protest and laudable aspirations of the workers of our country.

The deliberations of our conference. which occupied two full days. were preceded by a two days' session of the Executive Council of the American Federation of Labor. The proceedings were marked by the utmost harmony. There was indeed the intensity of feeling which so grave a situation must evoke, there was also an unbounded enthusiasm, a

grim earnestness of purpose, and a firm determination that the work initiated by this conference should not cease until the wrongs from which the workers suffer shall be righted and their liberties which have been imperilled shall be restored and forever safeguarded.

Our consideration of the circumstances which made this conference imperative was characterized by the utmost freedom of expression. It was felt that in the consensus of opinion and feeling brought forth by the representatives of so many trades and callings from all sections of the country there could not fail to be much that would be helpful in guiding our deliberations and of service to our fellow workers. It is our hope that every worker and every friend of the workers will realize and feel as we do the seriousness of the crisis which we now face and that all will be animated by the earnestness, the loyalty and enthusiasm which was so marked among the representatives assembled.

While the Supreme Court or other institutions may be able to temporarily retard and seriously embarrass the growth and action of our movement we boldly assert that no power on earth can destroy, successfully outlaw, or disrupt the trade union movement

Meetings had been held in various parts of the country and resolutions adopted and forwarded to American Federation of Labor headquarters urging prompt and vigorous action. The suggestions submitted were various in detail, but all characterized by the earnest desire that labor should take steps at once to exercise its fullest activities in every possible direction in order that relief may be obtained from the present intolerable situation.

In this conference we, your representatives, realized the serious responsibility resting upon us, not only to voice adequately the feeling of outraged indignation on the part of the workers at the deprivation of their rights and liberties involved in the law as interpreted by recent court decision. but the even more important task of initiating and aiding in carrying toward a successful fulfilment the constructive and active work which shall deliver the workers from the present and impending danger and insure them the restoration of their rights and liberties and secure enjoyment in the future of the inalienable rights guaranteed by our Constitution.

A large part of our deliberations was naturally devoted to a discussion of the Supreme Court's action in applying the Sherman anti-trust law to labor.

All agreed upon the necessity of immediate congressional action if the serious consequences and threatened dangers to labor and the wealth producers of our country are to be averted.

The following amendment to the Sherman anti-trust law had already been drawn up and agreed upon by the Executive Council, acting with the legal advisors of the American Federation of Labor. This is designed to relieve labor from the harmful oneration of the Sherman anti-trust law. which was never intended to apply to it:

"That nothing in said act (Sherman anti-trust law), or in this act, is in

tended, nor shall any provision thereof hereafter be enforced so as to apply to Organizations or associations not for profit and without capital stock, nor to the members of such organizations or associations.

"That nothing in said act (Sherman anti-trust law), or in this act, is intended, nor shall any provision thereof herealter be enforced so as to apply to any arrangements, agreements or combinations among persons engaged in agriculture or horticulture made with a view of enhancing the price of their own agricultural or horticultural products."

This amendment was carefully considered in conference and met with enthusiastic, hearty and unanimous approval.

It was the unanimous feeling that some special steps should be taken to impress upon Congress the necessity of prompt action upon the Sherman anti-trust law amendment and upon other important labor legislation now pending, namely: The bill to regulate and limit the issuance of injunctions-"Pearre bill."

Employers' liability bill.

The bill extending the application of the eight-hour law to all government employes, and those employed upon work for the government, whether by contractors or subcontractors.

Your representatives prepared the protest which you will find accompanying this, and delivered the same to Speaker Cannon, of the House, and Vice-President Fairbanks, President of the Senate.

As to the effect of our solemn protest representing the desires and needs of our fellow workers and their friends we can not at this time state, but we believe that Congress appreciates the gravity of the situation. In our protest we endeavored, while preserving a courteous and dignified form of address, to make it entirely clear to Congress that organized labor is in no mood to be trifled with. It means business. We truly believe that in this protest we stated very conservatively to Congress the intense feeling of anxiety and apprehension which agitates the workers of the country and their sympathizers.

Without doubt the presentation of labor's protest by our accredited representatives did much to convince the country at large that labor expects of Congress the relief which is within the power of the law-making department of government, and expects it from this session of the present Congress.

The Supreme Court decision applying the Sherman law to labor makes the crises an especially grave one, for under that decision every normal, peaceful and helpful activity of the workers, whether exercised individually or in association, may be construed as a "conspiracy" or a combination in restraint of trade and commerce, and punished by fine and imprisonment, or both, and damages may be inflicted to the extent of each Individual's possessions.

Every legitimate pressure must now be brought to bear upon Congress in the effort to secure the passage of our amendment to the Sherman law.

Hold mass meetings in every city and town in the United States on the evening of the third Sunday or Monday in April 19th or 20th, and at that meeting voice fully and unmistakably labor's pro

test against the Supreme Court decision, which strips labor of the rights and liberties which we had supposed were guaranteed by the Constitution. Resolutions should be adopted urging upon the present Congress the passage of the amendment to the Sherman law and warning Congress that it will be held responsible for failure to enact such legislation.

Labor should spare no activity to impress upon Congress its insistent demand for the passage of this amendment.

In addition to the holding of the mass meeting of April 19 or 20, and on such other dates as may be fixed in future, and the forwarding of resolutions expressing labor's protest and determination, every member of organized labor should write a personal letter to the Congressman of his district and to the two United States Senators of his state, insisting that they use their efforts and cast their vote for the passage of our amendment to the Sherman law and other legislation mentioned in labor's protest, and warning them that labor and its friends will hold them responsible. That labor proposes to be represented in Congress by men who will do justice to the workers and all the people; that it proposes to exercise every political and industrial activity to this end; that upon the record of this Congress will be based the workers' decision as to a candidate's future desirability as a member of Congress.

Get every friend of labor to write a personal letter of this character. Let it be brief, but to the point, and keep a record of the resolutions and letters forwarded.

We hope most earnestly for the passage of the measures we have urged, but should Congress fail to do its duty we will, by following this method, be able to place the responsibility upon those who have failed to do justice to labor when it lay within their power.

We deem it essential for the successful accomplishment of the plan set forth in the foregoing that local unions, city, central and state federations follow closely the line of action outlined by this conference and such further plans as may be promulgated by the Executive Council or by future conferences, so that our strength and influence may not be frittered away by different lines of action.

We have appealed to Congress for the necessary relief we deem essential to safeguard the interests and rights of the toilers.

We now call upon the workers of our common country to stand faithfully by our friends, oppose and defeat our enemies, whether they be candidates for President, for Congress, or other offices, whether executive, legislative or judicial.

Each candidate should be questioned and pledged as to his attitude upon all subjects of importance to the toilers. whether in factory, farm, field, shop or mine.

We again renew and hereby declare our complete and abiding faith in the trade union movement to successfully accomplish the amelioration of economic conditions befitting all of our people. The historical past of our movement, its splendid achievements in labor's behalf, and magnificent present standing, war.