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JOHN DICKINSON.

THE eminent subject of this memoir was born in Maryland, on the second day of November, old style, in the year 1732. He was the eldest son, by a second marriage, of Samuel Dickinson, who, while his son was yet a child, removed to the village of Dover, Delaware, where he subsequently occupied the first judgeship of the Court of Common Pleas. At an early age John was placed under the tuition of Mr. (afterward Chancellor) Kilen, of Delaware. Subsequently he studied law in the office of John Morland, at Philadelphia, and on the completion of his course with him, he visited England and entered the Temple in London. After remaining here about three years he returned to Philadelphia, and established himself in the practice of his profession.

In 1764 he entered upon the scenes of public life as a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly, where he soon established a reputation as a statesman of ability and powerful eloquence. The first occasion which elicited his oratorical powers, was the controversy between the Colonial Assembly and the proprietors, in which the latter claimed exemption from taxes on their estates. On the twenty-fourth of May, 1764, he delivered a masterly speech against a proposition made to petition the King for a change in the government of the province. He opposed the measure because he considered it "fraught with danger, and calculated to involve the province in a disastrous conflict with a superior power." His speech on that occasion is included in the present collection. In September of this year he published a Reply to a piece called the speech of Joseph Galloway, pretended to have been spoken in the Pennsylvania Assembly, in answer to Mr. Dickinson's speech of the May previous. This reply was a general refutation of the calumnies heaped upon the friends of proprietary government by the "insidious Galloway," and an able defence of the political course of Mr. Dickinson.

Mr. Dickinson was a member of the general Congress which met at New York in October, 1765, and in that capacity he prepared the resolutions of that body, announcing their opposition to the plans of the ministry of Great Britain, and the principles which they considered as natural and belonging to their system of government. The same year, during the stamp-act excitement, he published a pamphlet entitled The Late Regulations respecting the British Colonies on the Continent of America, considered in a Letter from a Gentleman in Philadelphia to his Friend in London; in which he exposed, with great spirit and elegance of composition, the impolitic tendency of the ministerial measures, and the discontent they would inevitably produce among the colonists. In concluding this rich production, he said, "The reflections of the colonists on these melancholy subjects are not a little embittered by a firm persuasion, that they never would have been treated as they are if Canada still continued in the hands of the French. Thus, their hearts glowing with every sentiment of duty and affection towards their mother country, and expecting, not unreasonably, perhaps, some marks of tenderness in return, are pierced by a fatal discovery, that the vigorous assistance which they faithfully afforded her in extending her dominions, has only proved the glorious but destructive cause of the calamities they now deplore and resent. Yet still their resentment is but the resentment of dutiful VOL. 1.-18

children, who have received unmerited blows from a beloved parent. Their obedience to Great Britain is secured by the best and strongest ties, those of affection; which alone can, and I hope will, form an everlasting union between her and her colonies. May no successes or suspicions ever tempt her to deviate from the natural generosity of her spirit. And may no dreadful revolution of sentiments ever teach them to fear her victories, or to repine at her glories."

In 1766 appeared his celebrated Address to the Committee of Correspondence in Barbadoes, under the signature of A North American. This was occasioned by a letter from that committee to their agent at London, in which, after remonstrating against the ministerial system of taxation, they compared their loyalty and submission with "the present rebellious opposition given to authority by our fellow-subjects on the northern continent." This aroused the indignation of Mr. Dickinson. Had the charge been made by a private person, he said, he would not have thought it worth answering; but when it was made by men vested with a public character, by a committee of correspondence, representing two branches of legislature in a considerable government, and the charge was not only approved by those branches, but was actually published to the world, it seemed to deserve notice. "I waited some time, in hopes of seeing the cause espoused by an abler advocate; but being disappointed, I resolved, favente Deo, to snatch a little time from the hurry of business, and to place, if I could, the letter of those gentlemen to their agent in a proper light."* This production excited universal attention throughout the country, by the forcible reasoning it contained, and its strong defence of the principles and conduct of the colonists.

On the fifth of November, 1767, the first of a series of letters, entitled, The Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies, appeared from the pen of Mr. Dickinson. They were written to excite the attention of the colonists to the illegality of the British system of taxation, and to the urgent necessity of opposing it. The simplicity, elegance of style, and sterling patriotism of these essays, added extensively to the fame of their author. They were read with intense interest, and produced the most beneficial effects among the people. The inhabitants of Boston were so sensible of the eminent service he had done to the common cause, that they addressed him in the most laudatory manner. "To your eminent worth and virtue," they said, "the inhabitants of this town, in full town meeting assembled, express their earliest gratitude : Actuated by the same generous principles which appear with so much lustre in your useful labors, they will not fail warmly to recommend, and industriously to promote, that union among the several colonies, which is so indispensably necessary for the security of the whole. Though such superior merit must, assuredly, in the closest recess, enjoy the divine satisfaction of having served, and possibly saved this people, though veiled from our view, you modestly shun the deserved applause of millions; permit us to intrude upon your retirement, and salute the Farmer as the friend of Americans, and the common benefactor of mankind." The Farmer's answer was published in the Boston Gazette. In 1769 an edition of the Letters was published in Virginia, with a preface from the pen of Richard Henry Lee, and Doctor Franklin caused them to be republished in London, with a preface by himself, in which he urged them upon the attention of the public. In 1769 they were translated into French, and published at Paris.

* Extract from the preface of the address, as printed in the Writings of Dickinson, vol. 1, page 99.

+ An account of the proceedings of the citizens of Boston on this occasion, was printed in the Boston Chronicle, of March 28th, 1768, from which paper this extract is taken. It was probably owing to Mr. Dickinson's publications, that the Pennsylvania Assembly, before they knew what measures the Massachusetts Bay, or any other colony would pursue, took into consideration the act imposing duties on paper, glass, &c., and gave positive instructions to their agents, to unite with other agents in applying to Parliament and praying relief.-Gordon's American War, vol. 1, page 221.

In that production Dr. Franklin said, "When I consider our fellow-subjects in America as rational creatures, I cannot but wonder, that, during the present wide difference of sentiments in the two countries, concerning the power of Parlia ment in laying taxes and duties on America, no application has been made to their understandings, no able and learned pen amongst us has been employed in convincing them that they are in the wrong; proving clearly that by the established law of nations, or by the terms of their original constitution, they are taxable by our Parliament, though they have no representative in it.

"On the contrary, whenever there is any news of discontent in America, the cry is, 'Send over an army, or a fleet, and reduce the dogs to reason.'

"It is said of a choleric people, that with them there is but a word and a blow.

A short time after the publication of the twelfth and last number of the Farmer's Letters, Mr. Dickinson, assisted by Arthur Lee, composed the celebrated Liberty Song:

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This ballad became the most popular lyric of the Revolution, and excited the indignation of the poets and writers of the ministerial party, who assailed it with parodies and epigrams.

In 1774, Mr. Dickinson was a member of a committee from the several counties of Pennsylvania, authorized to instruct the Assembly by whom delegates to the Continental Congress were to be elected; and in that capacity he originated a series of resolutions and a letter of instruction, which were afterward, with some modifications, adopted and published by the committee, with an expression of their thanks, "for the laudable application of his eminent abilities to the service of his country in the performance." Soon after this, Mr. Dickinson was elected to the Congress as a delegate from Pennsylvania, and, on the seventeenth of October, took his seat in that body. Here he at once entered upon the arduous duties of his office. He was appointed on a committee for the preparation of important addresses; drafted the eloquent and statesmanlike appeal to the people of Quebec, and the petition to the King, of which production the historian of the reign of George the Third says, "It is difficult to conceive how this address could be read, without exciting in the breasts, even of the most obdurate, strong emotions of compunction and remorse. **** An address penned with extraordinary force and animation, and in many parts rising to a very high strain of eloquence."

The next important service rendered by Mr. Dickinson, was the preparation of the Declaration of Congress of the sixth of July, 1775, setting forth the causes and necessity of taking up arms. This production will be found in the subsequent pages of this work. The Second Petition of Congress to the King was also prepared by Mr. Dickinson.§ In 1776, with a majority of the Pennsylvania delegates in Congress, Mr. Dickinson opposed the Declaration of Independence, believing that it was, at least, premature; that the country was not prepared for it, and that it

"I hope Britain is not so choleric, and will never be so angry with her colonies as to strike them. But that if she should ever think it may be necessary, she will at least let the word go before the blow, and reason with them.

"To do this clearly, and with the most probability of success, by removing their prejudices and rectifying their misapprehensions (if they are such), it will be necessary to learn what those prejudices and misapprehensions aro; and before we can either refute or admit their reasons or arguments, we should certainly know them.

"It is to that end I have handed the following letters (lately published in America) to the press here.

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"The author is a gentleman of repute in that country, for his knowledge of its affairs, and, it is said, speaks the general sentiments of the inhabitants. *** I hope this publication will produce a full answer, if we can make one. If it does, this publication will have had its use. No offence to the government is intended by it, and it is hoped none will be taken."

* See the history of this song in the "Songs and Ballads of the American Revolution," pp. 36-40.

+ Extract from the minutes of the Committee for the Province of Pennsylvania. The title of this work is, A New Essay [By the Pennsylvanian Farmer] on the Constitutional power of Great Britain over the Colonies in America; with the resolves of the Committee for the Province of Pennsylvania, and their instructions to their Representatives in Assembly.

Belsham's Memoirs of the Reign of George the Third, vol. 8, page 65.

See the Journals of the Continental Congress. "The several addresses of this Congress," says Ramsay, "were executed in a masterly manner, and were well calculated to make friends to the colonies. But their petition to the king produced more solid advantages in favor of the American cause than any other of their productions. This was in a great measure carried through Congress by Mr. Dickinson. Several members, judging from the violence with which Parliament proceeded against the colonies, were of opinion that further petitions were nugatory; but this worthy citizen, a friend to both countries, and devoted to a reconciliation on constitutional principles, urged the expediency and policy of trying once more the effect of an humble, decent, and firm petition, to the common head of the empire. The high opinion that was conceived of his patriotism and abilities, induced the members to assent to the measure, though they generally conceived it to be labor lost. Tho petition agreed upon, was the work of Mr. Dickinson's pen."-History of the American Revolution, vol. 1, page 212.

was impolitic to adopt it "without some preclusory trials of strength." However, on its adoption, he not only acquiesced in it, but engaged zealously in carrying into effect the measures necessary to sustain it; adding another proof of his sincere attachment to the liberties of his country, by marching with his regiment, a short time after the Declaration, to Elizabethtown, New Jersey, to meet the invading enemy, and serving as a private soldier on a similar expedition to the head of Elk. In October, 1777, he received from Mr. M'Kean, then President of Pennsylvania, a commission as Brigadier General, the duties of which he performed in a manner which elicited the applause of his countrymen.

In April, 1779, he was elected to Congress, and during the next month he wrote the address of that body to the States, upon the situation of public affairs; a production replete with the beauties of a master composer and the warmth of patriotic feeling. After describing the condition of the country, and calling upon the States to rescue it from the deplorable condition to which it had been reduced by the depreciated paper currency, a prodigality in the expenditure of public funds, and the exhaustion of the war, he concludes: "Fill up your battalions-be prepared in every part to repel the incursions of your enemies-place your several quotas in the Continental treasury-lend money for public uses sink the emissions of your respective States-provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies for your armies and fleets, and for your allies-prevent the produce of the country from being monopolized— effectually superintend the behavior of public officers diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly love, learning, frugality and moderation, and may you be approved before Almighty God, worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy."

Mr. Dickinson was elected to the Assembly of Delaware in 1780, and the same year he was chosen, by both branches of the legislature, President of that State. Two years after he was elected to the Presidency of the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania, in which position he remained until October, 1785. To the advancement of learning he always lent a helping hand. Deeply indebted to education for the inestimable riches it had afforded him for the service of his country, he looked upon it as the foundation of true liberty and moral greatness. The act of Assembly incorporating a college, to be established in the borough of Carlisle, has happily perpetuated the remembrance of his munificent patronage of literature. It declares that, "In memory of the great and important services rendered to his country by his Excellency, John Dickinson, esq., President of the Supreme Executive Council, and in commemoration of his very liberal donation to the institution, the said college shall be for ever hereafter called and known by the name of Dickinson College."

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On the meeting of the Convention for the formation of the Federal Constitution, Mr. Dickinson appeared as a delegate from Delaware. His exertions were well directed and efficient; nor were they confined to the Convention. When the Constitution was submitted to the several States for their approval, it met with violent opposition. In its defence, Mr. Dickinson published a series of letters, under the signature of Fabius. These are able papers, and form a valuable portion of our constitutional literature. In 1792 he was a member of the convention which formed the constitution of Delaware. In 1797, he published another series of letters under the signature of Fabius, in which he treated of the troubled state of affairs in France, and evinced the strongest sentiments of gratitude, and most ardent wishes for the welfare of that country.

Retiring from the anxieties of public life, he settled at Wilmington, Delaware, where he spent his declining years, surrounded by friends who loved him, and by his books, which were a consolation to him in old age, as they had been his delight throughout a well spent life. The last work that appeared from his pen was an address to the people of the United States, on The Past, Present, and eventual Relations of that Country to France. He died on the fourteenth of February, 1808, at the age of seventy-five years.

* National Portrait Gallery, article John Dickinson.

SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF ASSEMBLY.

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Mr. Dickinson delivered this speech, while | government, it will always be prudent to rehe was a member of the Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania, on the twenty-fourth of May, 1764; on occasion of a petition, drawn up by order, and then under consideration of that body; praying the King for a change of the government of the Province.*

MR. SPEAKER: † When honest men apprehend their country to be injured, nothing is more natural than to resent and complain; but when they enter into consideration of the means for obtaining redress, the same virtue that gave the alarm, may sometimes, by causing too great a transport of zeal, defeat its own purpose; it being expedient for those who deliberate of public affairs, that their minds should be free from all violent passions. These emotions blind the understanding; they weaken the judgment. It therefore frequently happens, that resolutions formed by men thus agitated, appear to them very wise, very just, and very salutary; while others, not influenced by the same heats, condemn those determinations as weak, unjust, and dangerous. Thus, sir, in councils it will always be found useful to guard against even the indignation that arises from integrity. More particularly are we bound to observe the utmost caution in our conduct, as the experience of many years may convince us, that all our actions undergo the strictest scrutiny. Numerous are the instances, that might be mentioned, of rights vindicated and equitable demands made in this province, according to the opinions entertained here, that in Great Britain have been adjudged to be illegal attempts and pernicious pretensions.

These adjudications are the acts of persons vested with such dignity and power, as claim some deference from us; and hence it becomes not unnecessary to consider, in what light the measures now proposed may appear to those whose sentiments, from the constitution of our

*The change attempted did not take place. On the fourth of March, 1764, George Grenville, then minister, and the House of Commons, on his motion, began their hostile operations against the British colonies on the American continent.

This speech was made in less than three months after, about a year and a half before the meeting of the first Con

gress at New York, on account of the Stamp Act; describes

the sentiments of administration concerning colonial government, takes notice of the then meditated innovations, and was followed by a regular course of such measures as were apprehended and alluded to.-Note by the author of the speech.

+ Isaac Norris, of Fair Hill, Philadelphia county, Pa., the daughter of whom Mr. Dickinson married in 1770, was the speaker of the House of Assembly at that time.

But on this important occasion, we ought not to aim only at the approbation of men, whose authority may censure and control us. More affecting duties demand our attention. The honor and welfare of Pennsylvania depending on our decisions, let us endeavor so to act, that we may enjoy our own approbation that we may deserve the approbation of the in the cool and undisturbed hours of reflection; impartial world; and of posterity, who are so much interested in the present debate.

No man, sir, can be more clearly convinced than I am of the inconveniences arising from a strict adherence to proprietary instructions. We are prevented from demonstrating our loyalty to our excellent Sovereign, and our affection to our distressed fellow subjects, unless we will indulge the proprietors with a distinct and partial mode of taxation, by which they will save perhaps four or five hundred pounds a year, that ought to go in ease of our constit

uents.

This is granted on all sides to be unequal; and has therefore excited the resentment of this House. Let us resent, but let our resentment bear proportion to the provocation received; and not produce, or even expose us to the peril of producing, effects more fatal than the injury of which we complain. If the change of govall our privileges preserved, let it instantly take ernment now meditated, can take place, with place; but if they must be consumed in the blaze of royal authority, we shall pay too great a price for our approach to the throne; too great a price for obtaining (if we should obtain) the addition of four or five hundred pounds to the proprietary tax; or indeed for any emolument likely to follow from the change.

I hope, I am not mistaken, when I believe, that every member in this House feels the same reverence that I do, for these inestimable rights. When I consider the spirit of liberty that breathes in them, and the flourishing state to which this province hath risen in a few years under them, I am extremely desirous that they should be transmitted to future ages; and I cannot suppress my solicitude, while steps are taken that tend to bring them all into danger. Being assured that this House will always think an attempt to change this government too hazardous, unless these privileges can be perfectly secured, I shall beg leave to mention the reasons by which I have been convinced, that such an attempt ought not now to be made.

be taxed as the estates of other persons were. The proprietaries claimed an exemption, and were supported in their claim by the British ministers. The Assembly took this opThe controversy between the provinces and the proprie-portunity to attempt a change of the government from protaries was, Whether the estates of the proprietaries should i prietary to royal.

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