sentiments, and has shewn himself on a level with the knowledge of an enlightened age?

How, after having asked, "what is the effect of "slavery upon production?" has he not been afraid of making this declaration: "I have no doubts that the “ labour of the slave yields a greater surplus of pro"duction over consumption than the labour of the "free man?"

On what does he rest a doctrine combated by the experience of three centuries alld the constantly increasing prosperity of Europe? “The labour of a slave," says says he, "has no limits "but the power of his faculties. His master, or "his overseer, takes care that he performs as much "work as he is able without declining sensibly. The "labour of a free man is likewise limited by his facul

ties, but also by his will. In vain it is urged, that "his will is always to work as much as possible in "order to gain as much as possible. It is too well "known that this is not the case, and that the love of

gain is frequently inferior to that of idleness and

dissipation. The free man has in general but few "wants for the moment, and little foresight respect'ing futurity; he does not think it necessary to "labour beyond what this foresight and these wants “require. The slave works to gratify the avarice of "his master, which is unbounded; and the indolence " and love of pleasure of the master do but "the toils of the slave.”*

aggravate

* Traité d' Economie Politique, par Jean Baptiste de Say. Paris, 1803. Vol. i. p. 216.

This theory appears far from being proved to demonstration. Whatever influence may be attributed to the whip of the taskmaster upon the determinations of the slave, it cannot be superior to the impulse which the attractions of pleasure, vanity and ambition give to the free labourer. Fear prevents the slave from acting and doing such things as he is forbidden to do; but nature has implanted in the heart of man other motives to impel hi to action and keep him in constant activity. The strength of the labourer, far from being increased, is diminished by fear; his energy is impaired, his activity paralysed: fear is rather the parent of idleness, negligence, and stupidity, than of application, exertion, and intelli ence. It is therefore as serious a mistake in political economy to prefer the labour of the slave to that of the free man, as it is a fundamental error in morals to suppose that man is more readily determined by fear than by interest, and that the anxiety to avoid pain is more powerful than the attraction of pleasure. Man exists and preserves himself merely by braving the pain with which nature has environed pleasure. Civil associations are formed and maintained, because the sacrifices which they command are advantageous when compared to the benefits which they hold out. Pain every where precedes pleasure; and every where man braves pain, to arrive at pleasure.

The same French author observes, that "while "the labour of the slave is more productive than that "of the free labourer, his expences are less. The

maintenance of a slave is as cheap as his toils are

"excessive: His master little cares whether he en"joys life, provided he barely keeps alive."*

I shall not start any doubts against this observation perhaps it is, unfortunately, too true. But how did it escape the author, that this very observation destroys the doctrine which he is endeavouring to establish?

It is impossible that the free labourer should expend more and produce less than the slave. Greater expences suppose a larger produce; for at no time, and in no country, can any thing be obtained for nothing. Every expence supposes an equivalent produced to meet that expence. If the free labourer expends more than the slave, the produce of his labour must be more considerable than that of the labour of the slave.

I know it may be objected, with some truth, that the savings of the master in the expences of his slaves serve to enlarge his personal expences, and to procure him greater enjoyments.

But it is more conducive to general wealth, that all orders of the community be in easy circumstances, than that a few individuals should enjoy excessivė affluence. The diffusion of wealth favours consumption, accelerates the circulation of productions, and causes all kinds of manufuctures and trade to prosper. The concentration of wealth maintains but few kinds of industry and trades, and plunges the remainder of

* Economie Politique, par J. B. de Say, Vol. i. p. 216.

the people into indigence and despair.* The smallness of the expences of a slave, which serves only to increase the expences of his master, can no more be considered as advantageous to the progress of public and private wealth, than it can be supposed that the slave labours more than the free labourer. The sen

sation of fear cannot rise superior to the feeling of comfort and well being, and the yoke imposed by constraint, cannot be lighter than that of personal interest.

Let us however beware of inferring from these general principles, that at all times, in all places, and under all circumstances, the labour of the free man ought to be substituted for that of the slave, and that these principles are equally proper and applicable to the colonial system.

1

Although the nature of man, whether black, copper-coloured, or white, be every where the same; although passions have the same sway over men of all colours; although all obey alike the influence of moral and physical causes; it yet cannot be denied, that the habit of slavery or liberty must necessarily modify them in such a manner, that the free man and the slave must seem to have nothing in common but the outward forms of humanity. Fear may possibly

แ

*

"Quanto piu denaro è sparso generalmente per le mani del popolo, tanto piu crescono le voglie e i bisogni del popolo, per“chè si desidera il comodo a misura che v'è probabilita di pro"curer selo ; quanto piu crescono i bisogni nel popolo, tanto piu "comprese consumazioni egli fa.”—Econ. Polit. del Conde Verri,

operate more forcibly on the slave, than either private interest or the love of pleasure on the free man; servitude may more powerfully oppose the impulse of the original and natural faculties of man, than liberty contributes to their improvement. The influence of education is such, that it may impair the elasticity of the spring of human actions and bend it contrary to its original destination; it may even pervert the ideas, inclinations, and dispositions of man to such a degree, that it may cause the slave to love what the free man detests, or the free man to hate what the slave adores. Both ancient and modern history afford many instances of this perversion. Where is the modern people that would not look upon the life of the Spartans as the last degree of human wretchedness? And what Arab, accustomed to the wandering and roaming life of his cattle, would not fancy himself condemned to the most excruciating pains if he were obliged to submit to the laborious and sedentary life of our industrious artisans ?

Whenever, therefore, education has moulded man to a certain mode of existence, it is the height of imprudence suddenly to impose upon the free man the ideas, sentiments, and inclinations of the slave, and upon the slave the notions, feelings, and propensities of the free man. Cast the free man into slavery, and, to stimulate him to labour, threaten him with the whip, or hold out the allurements of his private interest, and you will see which of the two means will have most power over him. But set the slave free, and it is more than probable that when he is no longer impelled by fear, he will be little excited to