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against the collector appeared to be €50,000, in which sum all arrears ware included. In the account prepared by the clerk of the reve, and delivered in at the treatry on the 5th January 1804, it appeared, that, of the 187,000/. in cash in the collectors' hands, there were sums either drawn for or reitted to the receiver general, by which that balance was reduced to 40,0001.; or, if certain other sums stated in that paper were to be deducted, to the small amount of 27:000%. Mr. Corry referred to a paper on the table of the house, which contained a statement of the new and permanent duties of excise alone, outstanding in Great Britain. These arrears amounted to no less than 6,000,0007. He appealed then to the candour of the house, whether it was correct to compare the arrears outstanding in Ireland, with the cash balances in the hands of the collectors in Great Britain, instead of comparing arrears with arcars, and cash balances with cash i alances in the two countries. The cash balances in the hands of the collectors in Ireland would, he was persuaded, be found not to exceed 50,000. With respect to the advantages which Ireland had derived from the union, Mr. Corry observed, that during the last year, the expenditure within Ireland had exceeded the contribution of that country by one million. In the current year, according to the estirates which had been made, the expenditure there would exceed the contribution by two millions. The great expenditure for Ireland was in military expenses; and if the situation of that country, as an outpost of the British islands, demanded a large proportion of the army to be stationed there for the general defence, it was but just that a pro

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portion of the common charges should be expended there as well as in other parts of of the British dominions. It was by no means his wish to enter at large into the state of Ireland; his object was to do away the impression which had been made on the house, with respect to the extremely unfavourable state of the financial resources of Ireland.

In the course of the session, the marquis of Abercorn presented a petition against Mr. justice Fox, one of his majesty's judges in the court of common pleas in Ireland. The petition charged him with several acts of oppression, degradation, and injustice, in the exercise of his judicial functions, against Mr. Hart, a gentleman of considerable property in the neighbourhood of Londonderry, and in the county of Donnegal, for which county he was one of the grand jury. Other petitions to the same effect were subsequently submitted; and it was agreed that copies of the petitions from the parties complaining should be transmitted to the judge, and that their lordships should fix a day for deciding what mode of proceeding was the most regular and proper. No decision, however, took place during the meeting of parliament; but, on the 5th of July, the marquis of Abercorn presented certain regular articles of complaint against Mr. justice Fox, which he accompa nied with a few observations, embracing those articles of charge which he proposed to exhibit. The articles of complaint referred to the charge of procuring addresses, imposing of fines, certain matters stated in the petition of Mr. Hart, and what respected the learned judge's conduct relative to the noble marquis himself.

Towards the end of the session a very

a very singular discussion arose, relative to the exercise of the duties of the Irish chancellor of exchequer. In consequence of a variety of new ministerial arrangements, Mr. Corry vacated the situation of chancellor of the exchequer of Ireland, and some difficulties appear to have interfered with the appointment of his successor. Mr. Forster was universally expected to fill that office; but some delay had arisen with respect to his official nomination. In the mean time, he discharged the duties of the chancellor of the exchequer, but in the capacity of a private member of parliament. In this capacity he brought forward the budget, and proposed a variety of measures immediately relating to Irish affairs. Mr. Francis, however, conceived it his duty to question the title or authority by which he performed the functions of chancellor of the exchequer of Ireland. For, as the house does not permit a written document of any kind, particularly in matters of account, to be laid on the table, unless it be properly an official account, officially authenticated, he contended, that official statements made in parliament, in any department of government, ought to be authenticated by the proper officer, in order that some person should be rendered responsible. If the house were wilfully or ignorantly misinformed, and betrayed into any material error, upon whom, he asked, was the censure of parliament to be at tached? It might be urged, that the information given to the house was not official. Without attaching any dishonourable suspicion to the present transaction, he considered it a dangerous precedent, and liable to abuse. For the pur

pose of securing the independence of the house of commons, the law had provided that members of parliament accepting certain places of profit under government shall vacate their seats, and be sent back to their constituents, who may reclect or reject them. But if it be once admitted, that one man may hold the office, while another performs the duty, it might happen that the intention of the law may be defeated by the collusion of the parties. It was also contended by others, that such a line of conduct was contrary to the usage, practice, and principle of the law of parlia ment; and it was represented, that there were, in fact, two Irish chancellors of the exchequer, which left it doubtful to which parliament was to look for information.

In justification of the proceeding, it was argued, that it was not inconsistent with the character of a private member of that house, to interfere in public official concerns. If this were n t the case, the pri vileges of the house would be abridged in a manner that would operate against the spirit of the constitution. The part which Mr. Forster had acted, it was said, did not necessarily imply an official capacity. Had he acted, in any instance, out of the house chancellor of the exchequer, there might be some ground for animadversion.

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land had extended their capital and erected new works, depending on the faith of parliament, that they should be entitled to receive the same advantages which had been ordered by a regulation of the late Irish parliament, and which had been continued by different acts of the imperial parliament of the united kingdom. The privilege which the bill was designed to suspend, the Irish distillers had enjoyed for three years; and it could not but be considered a very severe hardship upon those who had laid out large sums of money on the faith of the act of union itself, as it had been construed ever since, to take all these advantages from them at such a short notice. This would be the more felt, because, in the course of the preceding year, a sort of parliamentary decision had taken place in their favour. The English distillers petitioned against the superior advantages granted to the Irish distillers, and their petition was rejected, on the ground of the act of union. After such a decision, they might fairly expend money in speculations which would be at once destroved.

In reply to these objections, it was stated, that the union was founded upon a principle of equality. It would therefore be contrary to that spirit, to allow Irish spirits to cone into England with a bounty of from 87. to 16. per cent. as an advantage over British spirits. That internal regulation was adopted, merely to give the Jarge distillers an advantage over the small ones. It had done so, and might still continue to produce this effect in the Irish home market. But certainly it was never intended to give the Irish distiller an advantage over the British in a British market; for, at the time the

regulation passed, Ireland was not allowed to export spirits to this country. The object of the bill, therefore, was to remove this monstrous inequality from the English distillers, and the mode in which this was to be effected was to suspend the bounty on Irish spirits warehoused for exportation. The spirits for home consumption would It was

still continue to receive it. also observed, that the Irish distillers should recollect they were not at liberty, previous to the union, to export or to warehouse their spirits. These were advan

tages they had since obtained. But it was never in contemplation, at the union, to grant them any such exclusive privilege. To deprive them of it, was but an act of justice due to the English distillers.

The bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed.

Before we conclude this chapter, into which we have introduced an account of every parliamentary measure of the least importance, relative to Ireland, it may be proper to supply the omission of asubject connected with the revenue of that country, which ought to have been noticed earlier in our statement of Irish affairs. In the month of April, Mr. Corry informed the house, that, although a great part of the supplies for Ireland had been already voted, the permanent charges on the consolidated fund of Ireland, and the votes of supply, had considerably exceeded the ways and means for answering them. It had, therefore, been thought advisable to propose to raise a part of the ways and means by a loan in Ireland, to the amount of 1,250,000. the 20th of April, the loan was contracted for in Dublin: for every 1007, 112. 7s. 3d. stock

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was granted. The money to be raised, therefore, being 1,250,000, the stock created would be 1,404,000l. The interest to be paid for each 1004. received was 51. 12. 4th, which, with the sinking fund of 12 per cent., would make the whole annual charge 84,271. On the day of the bidding, the 5 per cent. stock in Ireland was at 90, and the loan was taken

at 89. The terms, he hoped, would prove satisfactory; and the more, since, on the day the loan was made in Ireland at 89, the Irish 5 per cents in London were only 804; which certainly was a most astonishing difference, and clearly proved, that the loan was concluded on terms advantageous to the public.

CHA P. IV.

Motions relative to the War in Ceylon, and in India—Debate on Mr. Pitt's Motion respecting the State of the Naval Force-Marine Society Fishery Bill-Remuneration granted to the Officers and Men for the Capture of the Enemy's Ships at Toulon-Motion for the Dates of the Dispatches sent to India, relative to the Resumpt on of Hostilities-Debates on Mr. Fox's Motion respecting the Defence of the Nation-Suspension of the Army of Reserve Act-Remuneration to the Holders of the Loyalty Loan-Additional Estimates for the Army, and for miscellaneous Services - Budget.

IN the preceding chapter, we

N the preceding chapter, we

correct statement of the proceedings of parliament relative to Ireland. We must now return to an early period of the session, in order to notice those subjects of parliamentary discussion, which we have been obliged to pass over, with a view to give a degree of unity to our account of Irish affairs. The first subject to which our attention as directed, relates to the melan clcly history of the war in Cey ion.

On the 14th of March, Mr. Creevey moved for certain papers and documents relative to the war in that island, with the intention of instituting further inquiry. From the year 1795, he observed, when we first took the island of Ceylon from the Dutch, our government Appeared wisely to abstain from the

It was,

dangerous policy of interfering with the unprofitable interior of the king of Candy's dominions. Some time in 1802, a quantity of the Moka-nut purchased by British subjects was seized, in its way to our settlements, by officers of the Candian government. however, agreed to be restored, or the value to be paid for it. The final difference between the English and the Candian governments was, whether the sum of 3007., the value of the Moka-nut, should be paid instantly, or at the expiration of a few months. The real cause, therefore, of the war, was the dif ference between the prompt and protracted payment of 3007. In January 1801, the war began; and in a very short time, and scarcely with the loss of ten men killed in battle, we penetrated as far as Candy, which we took, and whence

we

expelled the king. So far all was successful. But that dreadful ly, the jungle fever, which always infects the interior of Ceyin, sen destroyed numbers of our troops in Candia. Of the 51st regin cat alone, above 300 perished; et the 19th, 170; besides the 200 of the same regiment who were aftowards murdered.

It might be imagined, that all these disastrous circumstances would have induced the governor of Ceylon instantly to have withdrawn the surviving troops; but a garrison was left in Candy to secure success to our intrigues; and from this impolitic interference in the affairs of Candy proceeded all the disastrous consequences which we have now to lament. We first dethroned the reigning monarch, and placed upon his throne a king of our own choice; a person so unskilfully selected, and so universally odious to the Candians, that we were compelled finally to withdraw him. He has since fallen a victim to our partiality, and his own presumption. We then changed the Candian monarchy into air aristocracy, and placed at the head of it the adigar or the first minister. During this time, the garrison of Candy were daily diminished, and enfeebled by sickness and death. The only troops remaining were the 19th regiment, reduced to 200 men, and a Malay regiment. Of the 200 of the 19th regiment, 160 were sick and perfectly disabled. At this period, the town of Candy was surrounded by more than 10,000 Candians. Cut off from all provisions, reduced by death and sickness, and the Malay regiment beginning to desert, our troops surrendered. The termination of this tragedy was dreadful. Upwards of 20 British officers, with the

200 men of the 19th regiment, were led out two by two in the streets of Candy, and there, by the orders of the very adigar in whose hands we had placed the government, were knocked on the head, and had their throats cut. The 160 sick men of the 19th were not excepted. They were all dragged from their cots and murdered. About the same period, all our fortresses in Candia were attacked, and all the garrisons compelled to evacuate them. The sick left in the fortresses were murdered.

Thus ended the invasion of Candia. It began in January; and before the end of June, our invading army was either expelled, had died, or were murdered. From the date of the destruction of our garrison in Candy, to the latest accounts which had been transmitted, which are dated in September last, the situation of the island became daily more alarming. The Candians, elated with the expulsion and destruction of the British, had in immense numbers invaded our settlements, and left us nothing but our forts. The natives, or coolies, who live under our dominion, men of the most ferocious character, were beginning to display an alarming spirit of disaffection. Such of the king's troops as remained alive were still under the influence of the diseases they had contracted in the Candian expedition. In short, such was supposed to be the danger of the colony, that in the beginning of September an expedition was fitting out at Calcutta, for its immediate assistance. If this statement were correct, Mr. Creevey said, that it must appear extraordinary that his majesty's ministers had never communicated to the house a single syllable of information respecting a war appa

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