people will always find me the same, and I shall always find them worthy of me.Frenchmen, your conduct in these times towards your Emperor, who was now more than 500 miles distant from you, has increased my respect, and the idea I had formed of your character-I have felt myself proud to be the first amongst you The proofs of attachment which you have given me, while, during ten months of absence and danger, I was ever present to your thoughts, have constantly awakened in me the liveliest sensations. All my solicitudes-all that related even to the safety of my person, was only interesting to me, on account of the part you took in them, and the important influence which they might produce on your future destiny.-You are a good and a great people. I have contrived various means for simplifying and perfecting our institutions. The nation has experienced the happiest effects from the establishment of the Legion of Honour. I have distributed various imperial titles, in order to give a new lustre to the most distinguished of my subjects, to honour extraordinary services by extraordinary rewards, and at once to prevent the return of all feudal titles, which are incompatible with our constitution.-The accounts of my ministers of finance, and of the public treasury, will make known to you the prosperous state of our finances. My people will see the contributions upon real property considerably diminished.--My minister of the interior will give you an account of the public works which are begun or finished; but those which may still be expected, are much more considerable, since it is my determination that in all parts of my empire, even in the smallest hamlet, the comforts of the citizens, and the value of the lands shall be increased, by the developement of that universal system of improvement which I have formed.-Gentiemen, Deputies to the Legislative Body, your assistance in the accomplishment of that great object will be necessary to me, and I have a right to reckon upon that assistance with confidence.

NEW CONSTITUTION OF THE DUCHY OF WARSAW. -The New Constitution of the Duchy of Warsaw has been published in the Moniteur. It consists of 89 Articles, divided into 12 Sections, of which the following are the heads:

Section I. The Roman Catholic reli gion is the religion of the state, but all other religions are free. The Duchy is divided into six bishopricks, over which one archbi shop and five bishops preside. Slavery is

abolished, and all citizens are equal with respect to the law.-I. Of the Government. The Archducal Crown is hereditary in the Kings of Saxony, who are to appoint a Viceroy or President of the Ministerial. Council. The property of the Ducal Crown consists, I.-In an annual revenue of seven millions of Polish guelders, one half arising from the royal lands or demesnes, the other half from the treasury; 2d, In the Royal Palace of Warsaw, and the Saxon Palace.-III. Of the Ministers of the Council of State. The ministry consists of six members, viz. The Ministers of Justice, of Foreign Affairs, of Re ligion, of War, of Finances, and of Police. Thereis also a Secretary of State. The Council of State is formed 6 of the ministry for the purpose of preparing plans of laws, &c. all of which the King has the power of rejecting.

Of

— IV. Of the General Diet.This body. is divided into two chambers, viz, the senate and the representatives: The Diet is to assemble every second year, for 14 days, when a royal act of convocation calls the members together.V. Of the Serrate: This chamber has 18 members, consisting of six Bishops, six Palatines, and six Castellans, all appointed by the King, who has also the power of encreasing the number of senators to thirty, if he shall think fit.—VI. the Chamber of Representatives.These consist of 60 deputies, chosen by the district, diets of the nobles, and 40 elected by the towns. The members retain their seats for nine years, but at the end of every three years, one-third of the body is renewed.VII. This section contains regulations for the meetings of the district, diets, &c. VIII. Of the Division of the TerritoryThe Duchy is divided into six departments, to each of which there is a prefect, under prefect, mayors, and a departimental council of from 16 to 24 members--IX. Of the Laws." The Napoleon Code shall be the civil law of the Duchy of Warsaw." Each department has a civil and a criminal court. The council of state is the last court of appeal. The judges are appointed by the King.-X. Of the Armed Force. The standing army consists of 30,000 men. King can call a part of this force into Saxony, but must replace them by an equal number of Saxons.XI. General Regulations.All who have not places for life may be dismissed at the pleasure of the King, the deputies only excepted. None but citizens of the Dukedon can be appointed to public situations. All the acts of the government must be drawn up in the Polish language. At the civic and military orders formerly subsisting in Poland, are to remain un

The

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. DANISH WAR.—The Danes having, not only declared war, but issued orders to their vessels to take and destroy our vessels, it would, I should think, be difficult to give any satisfactory reasons for our not having declared war too. Ships and goods taken from an enemy, previous to a declaration of war, are called Droits of Admiralty;" and, in this way used, droit seems to mean forfeiture, or prize; but, why the ships and goods, taken under such circumstances, should not go to the captors, as well as strips and goods, taken after a declaration of war, I can see no rea

son.

The real truth is, however, that this "droit of Admiralty," is a prize for the king, who, under an old custom, claims such ships and goods as his own private property, and, accordingly, he claimed an immense sum, which, as my readers will recollect, was taken from the Spaniards, previous to a declaration of war, and which chain did greatly surprise me, because I thought, that, since the nation had taken upon itself to defray, out of its taxes, all the cxpences, of every sort, necessary to the support of the king and every branch and member of his family; this being the case, I thought that these

droits

of Admiralty," like the rent of crown-lands and other revenues formerly belonging to the king, came, of course, into the public exchequer. I am very sorry, that this is not the case; for, if, upon some future occasion, a grasping or prodigal king were to meci with a set of supple slaves for counsellors, he might, for years, carry on a war, in fact, without declaring war; or, at the least, take care to have the prime of the capture, to sack the first haul of doubloons, and leate the straggling ones to the fleet; upon some Juture occasion, and when I say future, I mean a long while hence, because, as must be evident to every one, the qualities, which i have here supposed possible in a king, be long neither to our present gracious sove reign, nor to his apparent heir and successor; upon some future occasion, however, the

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case supposed may possibly happen: and, as possibilities of this serious soit should be guarded against, I should, I must confess, like to see these “droits of Admiralty" abolished, leaving all the captures to be divided amongst the captors, unless in cases of accommodation with the power, upon whom they are made, when, of course, they would be restored to that power. To return closer to the war with the Danes; I cannot, for my life, perceive any good reason for a delay in answering their declaration of war. What! When we have made a forcible entry into their territory; when we have besieged, and, perhaps, bombarded, their capital, not declare war against them! That is to say, not call it war that we are carrying on! This is so grossly inconsistent, that it is impossible not to suspect, that there is some unfair motive at bottom. -Upon the ground of this war, or, rather, of this enterprize to sieze on the Danish flect and naval arsenals, I thought enough had been said before; but, after a week or two of silence, the Morning Chronicle, that steady adherent of the rump of Whiggism, has come forth with a regular pleading against the measure; and, as I really do not entertain for the writings of Mr. Spankie any portion of that sort of contempt, which he says he entertains for mine. I shall here insert this pleading, and shall state, as well as I can, the reasons why, upon this subject, I differ in opinion with its author" We have, from the first, en"tertained considerable doubts, both of the

justice and the policy of the attack on "Denmark. It is true, that since the "French revolution, and since the immense 66 power of France has led her to violatė "trose principles of the Laws of Nations, "from which she thinks she herself will never be obliged to seek protection, (because, like all other laws, the law of na"tions is for the benefit of the weak against "the strong), the law of nations is treated "by some as a creature of the imagination, "and not at all binding, This sort of ar

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imperfect in its sanction, the law of na"tions received in modern times, and so largely improved, has contributed as much, perhaps, as any positive institution whatever, to the superior civilization, happiness, and tranquillity of Europe.-There can be no doubt, however, that if the law "of nations, which is in its nature and end a "restraint upon force, is violated systema

tically by one nation to the injury of ano "ther, that other is released from its obliga"tion to such other nation; for the plainest "reason of self-defence, because no one " can be bound to submit to a rule of re"straint upon his force, from which his adversary takes the advantage of being exempted. With respect to France, there"fore, we undoubtedly have the right of exercising the law which she practices. "This however, does not give us any right to release ourselves from the obligations "of the law of nations towards others of

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whom we have no reason to complain. "Because France has been unjust towards "Switzerland or Hamburgh, we have no

right to be unjust towards Portugal or "Denmark.What then is the precise "ground of justification of our conduct to"wards the latter? It is, first, the assump

tion that France would ask Denmark to "join in the war against us; and, secondly, "that Denmark would be obliged to submit "to that demand. It may be admitted, "though it is by no means proved, or cer"tain that France would have sought to "draw Denmark into the war; but next, "" are we sure that Denmark would have "submitted? It is quite clear, that at any "time Buonaparté could have seized Hol"stein, but he has not done it; nor did he " even complain of the Danes last Novem"ber for defending their frontiers and kil "ling some of his troops belonging to Ber"nadotte's army, when they came on Da"nish ground. But because he could do "that, it does not follow that he could have

Difcounty,

upon Denmark is unjustifiable, because "it is not necessary to our own defence.— "In matters of this sort we ought not to be "satisfied with general apprehensions. It

is clear, that to get rid of our apprehen"sions we inflict very severe calamities up"on a nation acquitted of any previous hos"tile intention. Are we quite certain that "at the bottom of this business, there may "not be a so t of cowardice not very credit"able? The danger dreaded perhaps was "considerable. Had Denmark joined "France with all her military marine, must the country have been undone? We hardly think it. But the right of self-de"fence, against evils less than utter destruction, may have justified us. Possibly it may. But still as fear is a rash and a cruel "counsellor, we should weigh well its ad"vice. If, in a shipwreck two people are on a plauk which can bear but one, the one may push the other off; but he ought "to be filly sure of it before he drowns his companion. So here, before we sack and "destroy Copenhagen, we ought to be pretty sure that England could not be safe "without the Danish fleet. It is no an

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"duct was considered very unjustifiable, though he had the proofs of a fact now unquestionable, that the Elector of Saxony was a party to a confederacy against "him; but as far as at present appears, or "is stated, it was the wish of Denmark to " remain perfectly neutral in the present war. We dreaded, however, that her "fleet would have been seized and turned 66 against us, and under the influence of this * fear, we ruin and destroy an innocent unoffending neighbour! Our conduct there"fore wants all the justificatory circum"stances in that of Frederick. Had he "waited for Austria, Russia, and France to join Saxony, he must have been undone ; "but though the Danish fleet turned against

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us, might have put us to a little exertion, "it could never have ruined us; while the "fact of its ever happening is exceedingly

disputable. Had Buonaparté pressed for "the Danish fleet joining him, six English "ships of the line could have prevented the "junction. The Danish fleet could not "have been manned in such a compulsive "unjust war as that would have been. It "could not have come into the ocean, and "if it had, it would have been defeated and "taken in honourable battle. It was not

necessary to steal the victory.--If, how"ever, the law of nations, that system "which, with the imperfection of every thing human indeed, has so long protected "the weak against the strong, was not be"fore this utterly abrogated, it is now com

pletely repealed and annulled. The law "of the strongest is the only law; not that "might constitutes right, which is non

sense; but there no longer remains in the most inadequate and corrupted mode of application any traditional, written, or acknowledged law to restrain the violence of power, to correct the inequalities of fortune, and to assuage the cruelty of the "sword. The justice of nations (and war "has been so called), is no longer adminis

tered in mercy. It has no discrimination. "It admits of no degrees of penalty. It is "altogether bloody and exterminating. But "the law of the strongest leads to this con" sequence; because it admits of no re"straint upon force. It leads to the very "destruction of society; and as it so evi"dently tends to such disorder, nations

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must, after the horrors of universal anarchy, and after experiencing the evils of *that state of nature, again recur to those " principles of common interest, which,

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while they preserved the independence of "each, established mutual confidence and "commoir ties among nations, and sustain

deadly conflict be necessary, it must be "endured; but our whole policy goes of it"self to produce that necessity.This "attack upon Denmark, granting it the ut"most success, will gain little which might "not have been gained with as little cost even of men and money. But the contempt of honour and good faith which it seems exhibit is the worst circumstance. "The unfortunate influence it may have on "the state of Northern politics, most thinking men can easily anticipate. To say "that it has rendered peace more difficult, "without placing us on a more advanta geous footing, may, to some, be a recom"mendation of the policy. But this feel. ing, as it was very evidently selfish, is now "about to yield to a different view of inte<< rest The war has been prosecuted upon very erroneous calculations, not of safety, "but of advantage; and as peace, in all pro"bability might be attained without any sacrifice either of honour or of power; "those who lately were most clamorous for on nistaken grounds, will very "speedily be as much desirous of trying the chances of peace, having found "those of war turn out so unfortunate."

-This writer sets out with deprecating the argument, that the law of nations is a mere creature of the imagination, and not at ali binding; but, he has not attempted to shew us, where this law is to be found, and be allows, that "it has no unpartial mini"ster to pronounce its judgment and en"force its decrees." Now, then, if I understand the meaning of very plain words, any thing which has nothing to regulate, or to ascertain its effect, and which does not admit of being pointed out as to its place of existence, is a creature of the imagination. It is very true, that a Dutchman, named Grotius; another Dutchman, high or low, named Puffendorff; another, nam Binkershoech; and a Frenchman, named Vattel, have written books upon what has been called, for want of a better name, the law of nations. But, besides that of these