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On motion of Mr. John Wentworth, under the operation of the previous question,

Ordered, That the said message be printed.

On motion of Mr. Houston,

Ordered, That it be referred to the Committee on Printing to inquire into the expediency of printing ten thousand copies extra of the said

message.

Mr. Dawson, by unanimous consent, gave notice of his intention to submit an amendment (in the nature of a substitute) to the amendment to the bill of the House (No. 37) entitled "An act to grant a homestead of one hundred and sixty acres of the public lands to actual settlers;" which was ordered to be printed.

Mr. Lane, of Oregon, by unanimous consent, introduced bills of the following titles, viz:

H. R. 542. A bill making an appropriation for completing the public buildings of Oregon Territory;

H. R. 543. A bill for the construction of a military road in Oregon Territory;

H. R. 544. A bill regulating the location of bounty land warrants in Oregon Territory;

H. R. 545. A bill to provide for the allowance of invalid pensions · to certain volunteers in the Indian wars in Oregon Territory;

which bills were severally read a first and second time, and referred as follows, viz:

H. R. 542, to the Committee on the Territories.

H. R. 543 and 545, to the Committee on Military Affairs.

H. R. 544, to the Committee on Public Lands.

Mr. Bernhisel, by unanimous consent, introduced a joint resolution (H. Res. 37) for the relief of John L. Smith and James McGaw; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on the Territories.

Mr. Bernhisel, by unanimous consent, submitted the following resolution; which was read, considered and agreed to, viz:

Resolved, That the Committee on Territories be instructed to inquire into the expediency of authorizing the legislative assembly of the Territory of Utah to continue their sessions for a term not exceed-ing sixty days instead of forty days, as heretofore provided, and that said committee report by bill or otherwise.

Mr. John Wentworth moved that the rules be suspended, so as to enable him to move that the bill of the House (No. 540) granting pensions to all persons engaged in the war of 1812, and the Indian wars: prior thereto, and to their widows, be made a special order.

And the question being put, it was decided in the negative—two- thirds not voting in favor thereof.

Mr. George W. Jones, from the joint committee appointed to wait upon the President of the United States, reported that the committee had discharged the duties imposed upon them, and that the President had informed them that he would make a communication, in writing, to the two houses this day.

Mr. Ready, by unanimous consent, introduced a bill (H. R. 546) to extend the provisions of the bounty land and pension laws of the United

States; which was read a first and second time, and referred to the Committee on Invalid Pensions.

Notices were given, under the rule, of motions for leave to introduce bills, as follows, viz:

By Mr. Cobb: A bill proposing to slightly modify and amend the act of the 4th of August, 1854, graduating and reducing the price of the public lands, &c., so as to strike out the word "adjoining," in the 3d section, and to authorize the affidavit to be made before any person properly authorized to administer oaths and affirmations, &c.; also, to declare what is meant by actual cultivation and settlement, and when that settlement shall take place-say in a reasonable time.

By Mr. Henn: A bill for the relief of the owners and occupants of the town of Omaha City, in the Territory of Nebraska, and for other purposes.

By Mr. Latham: A bill to continue in force, for a limited time, the provisions of the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1851, and the second section of its supplement of the 18th January, 1854, so as to enable the board of land commissioners in California to close their adjudications of private land titles in that State, and for other purposes. By Mr. Disney: A bill to render the navigation of the Louisville and Portland canal free of toll.

By Mr. Phillips: A bill making an appropriation for the purpose of completing the improvement in the bay of Mobile now progressing under the direction of the government.

The Speaker having proceeded to call the States for resolutions,
Mr. Walbridge submitted the following resolution, viz:

Resolved, That the Committee of Ways and Means be instructed to bring in a bill removing the present duty on foreign coal, so that the same shall be admitted duty free.

Debate arising thereon, the said resolution lies over under the rule. Mr. Florence moved that the rules be suspended, so as to enable him to move that the bill of the House (No. 56) extending the provisions of the several laws granting bounty land to the officers and soldiers who have been engaged in the military service of the United States, be made a special order for Tuesday, the 9th of January next, and from day to day thereafter until disposed of.

And the question being put, it was decided in the negative-twothirds not voting in favor thereof.

Mr. Sollers submitted the following resolution, viz:

Resolved, That the President of the United States inform this House, if not incompatible with the public interest, what was the object or objects of the meeting or conference of the American ministers at Ostend, and whether the said meeting or conference was held in obedience to instructions from the Secretary of State; what the said instructions were, and what was the result of the said meeting or conference.

The same having been read, and objection being made to its consideration at this time,

Mr. Sollers moved that the rules be suspended, so as to enable the House to consider the said resolution now.

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It was decided in the negative, {Nays.

Two-thirds not voting in favor thereof.

74

102

The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the members present, Those who voted in the affirmative are

Mr. Edward Ball

Nathaniel P. Banks, jr.
Henry Bennett
Francis M. Bristow
Lewis D. Campbell
Davis Carpenter
Samuel Caruthers
Joseph R. Chandler
George W. Chase
Moses B. Corwin

Leander M. Cox
Samuel L. Crocker
William Cullom
Alexander De Witt
John Dick
Edward Dickinson
Ben. C. Eastman
Thomas D. Eliot
Emerson Etheridge
William Everhart
E. Wilder Farley
Thomas T. Flagler
John R. Franklin
John Z. Goodrich

Mr. Galusha A. Grow

Aaron Harlan

John Scott Harrison
Solomon G. Haven
Isaac E. Hiester
Clement S. Hill
Thomas M. Howe
Theodore G. Hunt
John Kerr
James Knox
James J. Lindley
John McCulloh
Samuel Mayall
Ner Middleswarth
Edwin B. Morgan
Mordecai Oliver
Samuel W. Parker
Jared V. Peck
Rufus W. Peckham
Alex. C. M. Pennington
Bishop Perkins
Benjamin Pringle
Richard C. Puryear
Charles Ready

Mr. Sion H. Rogers
Samuel L. Russell
Alvah Sabin
Russell Sage
William R. Sapp
George A. Simmons
Charles Skelton
Augustus R. Sollers
Alexander H. Stephens
Andrew Stuart
John L. Taylor
Nathaniel G. Taylor
Isaac Teller
Andrew Tracy
Charles W. Upham
Edward Wade

Hiram Walbridge
Samuel H. Walley
Ellihu B. Washburne
Israel Washburn, jr.
Tappan Wentworth
John Wheeler
Richard Yates
Felix K. Zollicoffer.

Henry C. Goodwin

David Ritchie

Those who voted in the negative are

Mr. James C. Allen

Willis Allen

William S. Ashe
David J. Bailey
Thomas H. Bayly
William Barksdale
William S. Barry
Nathan Belcher
George Bliss

Thomas S. Bocock
William W. Boyce
John C. Breckinridge
Samuel A. Bridges
John S. Caskie
Elijah W. Chastain
James S. Chrisman

Samuel Clark

Thomas L. Clingman

Williamson R. W. Cobb Alfred H. Colquitt

Thomas W. Cumming

John G. Davis

John L. Dawson
James F. Dowdell
William Dunbar
Norman Eddy
Henry A. Edmundson
John M. Elliott
Andrew Ellison
William H. English
Charles J. Faulkner

Mr. Thomas B. Florence

Thomas J. D. Fuller
James Gamble
William O. Goode
Frederick W. Green
Alfred B. Greenwood
William T. Hamilton
Andrew J. Harlan
Wiley P. Harris
George Hastings

Thomas A. Hendricks
Bernhart Henn
Harry Hibbard
Junius Hillyer
George S. Houston
Colin M. Ingersoll
Harvey H. Johnson
Daniel T. Jones
George W. Jones
J. Glancy Jones
George W. Kittredge
William H. Kurtz
Milton S. Latham
Charles S Lewis
Samuel Lilly

William D. Lindsley
Moses Macdonald
James A. McDougall
Fayette McMullen
John McQueen
John B. Macy

Mr. Augustus E. Maxwell
Henry May
Smith Miller
John S. Millson
William Murray
David A. Noble
Edson B. Olds
Andrew Oliver
James L. Orr
John Perkins, jr.
John S. Phelps
Philip Phillips
James T. Pratt
David A. Reese
George Read Riddle
Thomas Ritchey
John Robbins, jr.
Peter Rowe
Origen S. Seymour
Wilson Shannon
Jacob Shower
Otho R. Singleton
William Smith
William R. Smith
George W. Smyth
Frederick P. Stanton
Richard H. Stanton
Hestor L. Stevens
Nathan T. Stratton
John J. Taylor

Benjamin B. Thurston

Mr. Michael C. Trout
George Vail

Joshua Vansant

Mr. William A. Walker
Edward A. Warren
John Wentworth

Mr. Theodoric R. Westbrook

William H. Wittee
Hendrick B. Wright.

So the House refused to suspend the rules, and the resolution lies

over.

A message, in writing, was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Sidney Webster, his private secretary; which was read, and is as follows, viz:

Fellow-citizens of the Senate

and of the House of Representatives:

The past has been an eventful year, and will be hereafter referred to as a marked epoch in the history of the world. While we have been happily preserved from the calamities of war, our domestic prosperity has not been entirely uninterrupted. The crops in portions of the country have been nearly cut off. Disease has prevailed to a greater extent than usual, and the sacrifice of human life, through casualties by sea and land, is without parallel. But the pestilence has swept by, and restored salubrity invites the absent to their homes, and the return of business to its ordinary channels. If the earth has rewarded the labor of the husbandman less bountifully than in preceding seasons, it has left him with abundance for domestic wants, and a large surplus for exportation. In the present, therefore, as in the past, we find ample grounds for reverent thankfulness to the God of Grace and Providence, for His protecting care and merciful dealings with us as a people.

Although our attention has been arrested by painful interest in passing events, yet our country feels no more than the slight vibrations of the convulsions which have shaken Europe. As individuals, we cannot repress sympathy with human suffering, nor regret for the causes which produce it. As a nation, we are reminded, that whatever interrupts the peace, or checks the prosperity, of any part of Christendom, tends, more or less, to involve our own. The condition of states is not unlike that of individuals: they are mutually dependent upon each other. Amicable relations between them, and reciprocal good will, are essential for the promotion of whatever is desirable in their moral, social, and political condition. Hence, it has been my earnest endeavor to maintain peace and friendly intercourse with all nations.

The wise theory of this government, so early adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding all entangling alliances, has hitherto exempted it from many complications, in which it would otherwise have become involved. Notwithstanding this our clearly defined and wellsustained course of action, and our geographical position so remote from Europe, increasing disposition has been manifested, by some of its governments, to supervise, and, in certain respects, to direct, our foreign policy. In plans for adjusting the balance of power among themselves, they have assumed to take us into account, and would constrain us to conform our conduct to their views. One or another of the powers of Europe has, from time to time, undertaken to enforce arbitrary regulations, contrary in many respects to established prin

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ciples of international law. That law the United States have, in their foreign intercourse, uniformly respected and observed, and they cannot recognise any such interpolations therein as the temporary interests of others may suggest. They do not admit that the sovereigns of one continent, or of a particular community of states, can legislate for all others.

Leaving the trans-atlantic nations to adjust their political system in the way they may think best for their common welfare, the independent powers of this continent may well assert the right to be exempt from all annoying interference on their part. Systematic abstinence from intimate political connexion with distant foreign nations, does not conflict with giving the widest range to our foreign commerce. This distinction, so clearly marked in history, seems to have been overlooked, or disregarded, by some leading foreign states. Our refusal to be brought within, and subjected to, their peculiar system, has, I fear, created a jealous distrust of our conduct, and induced, on their part, occasional acts of disturbing effect upon our foreign relations. Our present attitude and past course give assurances, which should not be questioned, that our purposes are not aggressive, nor threatening to the safety and welfare of other nations. Our military establishment, in time of peace, is adapted to maintain exterior defences, and to preserve order among the aboriginal tribes within the limits of the Union. Our naval force is intended only for the protection of our citizens abroad, and of our commerce, diffused, as it is, over all the seas of the globe. The government of the United States, being essentially pacific in policy, stands prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary service of a patriotic people, and provides no permanent means of foreign aggression. These considerations should allay all apprehension that we are disposed to encroach on the rights, or endanger the security, of other states.

Some European powers have regarded with disquieting concern the territorial expansion of the United States. This rapid growth has resulted from the legitimate exercise of sovereign rights, belonging alike to all nations, and by many liberally exercised. Under such circumstances, it could hardly have been expected that those among them which have, within a comparatively recent period, subdued and absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their standards on every continent, and now possess, or claim the control of, the islands of every ocean as their appropriate domain, would look with unfriendly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this country, in every instance honorably obtained, or would feel themselves justified in imputing our advancement to a spirit of aggression or to a passion for political predominance.

Our foreign commerce has reached a magnitude and extent nearly equal to that of the first maritime power of the earth, and exceeding that of any other. Over this great interest, in which not only our merchants, but all classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are concerned, it is the duty of the executive and legislative branches of the government to exercise a careful supervision, and adopt proper measures for its protection. The policy which I have had in view, in regard to this interest, embraces its future as well as its present security.

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