be added, that the general sentiment out of doors on this appointment by no means coincided with that which seemed to be adopted by the majority in the House.

The same subject was afterwards taken up by Mr. Bankes, in a debate on the army estimates, and a motion being made, the House divided upon it, when the ministers were supported by a majority of 54 to 38. Mr. Bankes, however, renewed the attack in a different motion on another day, and in a fuller House, when the arguments against the appointment, with its extreme unpopularity in the nation, outweighed the efforts of government, and a resolution passed for the abolition of colonel M'Mahon's sinecure by 115 votes against 112.

On January 14, the House having resolved itself into a committee to take into consideration the acts relating to the distilleries, the chancellor of the exchequer proposed a string of resolutions, recommending the prohibition of all distillation from grain in Great Britain for a time to be limited. The comparative failure of the crops for the last year had rendered this expedient necessary; but in order that the revenue might not suffer materially from the expiration of the duties arising from spirits distilled from grain, it had been thought advisable that they should be transferred to spirits distilled trom sugar. The resolutions moved for were, in substance, that after the 1st of February, 1812, until the 31st of December, 1812, no wort or wash for distillation shall be made in any part of Great Britain from any kind of grainthat it shall be lawful for his ma

jesty by proclamation, at any time after October 1, 1812, either to terminate such prohibition from a time not less than 30 days from the date of the said proclamation, or to 'continue it from December 31 until 30 days after the next meeting of parliament-that, during the period of this prohibition, the duties on wort or wash made in Great Britain for extracting spirits, and the duties on spirits made in Great Britain, and on spirits made in Ireland and imported into Great Britain, and the duties on stills in Scotland, and on spirits made in England and imported into Scotland, and vice versa, and the drawbacks on exportation, shall be suspended,-that during such suspension there shall be charged duties on wort or wash, and on spirits, the particulars of which are the subject of several following resolutions; and that during such suspension there shall be charged upon all spirits imported into Great Britain (except rum the produce of the British plantations) an additional duty of 12 per cent upon the former duties.

Mr. Ponsonby then rose, not to object to the resolutions; but to complain of the change that had been wrought in the constitution, by silently accustoming the people to look for relief from their grievances in matters of interest not to parliament, but to the executive government. After a word of reply from the chancellor of the exchequer, the resolutions were agreed to.

The report of a bill formed upon these resolutions was brought up on January 22, when, on the question that it be agreed to, sir John Newport rose, and entreated the

House,

House to weigh well the nature of a measure which went to prohibit the intercourse between the two islands forming the united kingdom; and he referred to the 6th article of the Union, by which it was declared that no bounty or prohibition should exist between the two kingdoms. He lamented that the general interests of Ireland were so neglected in that House; and observed, that at the time of the Union it was alleged that the benefits resulting to Ireland from an exportation of the products of its distilleries to Great Britain would be one of the chief advantages resulting from that measure, but, after various suspensions, it was now proposed to prohibit such exportations, so long as the prohibition of distillation from grain was continued here.

Mr. Sinclair then submitted to the House some observations on the subject, so far as the measure affected Scotland, and contended that the prohibition of distilling from grain would be very injurious to the agriculture and landed in terest of that country.

Sir Geo. Clerke proposed to introduce a clause into the bill for preventing the English distillers from defrauding the revenue, on the ground that they drew more spirits from a quantity of sugarwash than the calculation by which they were charged.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that the matter alluded to by the honourable baronet had been a subject of long and deliberate reflection, and he thought it unwise to embarrass a temporary system without full consideration. He assured Mr. Sinclair, that he had received more applications from

Scotland for the adoption of the prohibitory measure, than from any other part of the united kingdom. He replied to sir J. Newport, by observing that the Suspension bill had been enacted for the purpose of relieving Ireland; and that while the English market was restrained from the supply of spirits distilled at home from grain, it would not be right to suffer it to be affected by an importation of such spirits from a country where the prohibition was not in force.

Mr. Hutchinson spoke with warmth on the injustice done to Ireland by the various attempts to deprive her of the advantages expected from the Union.

The amendments made in the committee were then agreed to, and the clause proposed by sir G. Clerke was negatived.

On the motion for the third reading of the bill, Mr. Hutchinson rose to enter his solemn protest against that clause which had for its object the suspension of the intercourse between England and Ireland, which he charged with being in direct violation of the solemn compact entered into between the two countries, and he called upon the chancellor of the exchequer to assign his reasons for venturing upon such a breach. He was replied to by Mr. W. Fitzgerald, who affirmed that those interested in the manufactures, agriculture, and revenues of Ireland, considered this bill as a most important benefit; and he asked if the honourable gentleman would wish that the provisions of the whole bill should be extended to Ireland?

Lord Folkestone affirmed that the last speaker had advanced no

thing to show that the clause was not a direct breach of the act of Union; and intimated, that although the Irish might not be injured by the present measure, such an encroachment might make a precedent for future injuries.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer made some animated remarks on the objections raised by Mr. H. and lord F., and contended that every thing had been done with the best intentions with respect to Ireland. The bill was then read a third time, and passed.

When it was introduced into the House of Lords, on February 3, it called forth some observations from lord Lauderdale, who said he did not mean to oppose it, but blamed ministers for not having taken the earliest opportunity, after ascertaining the deficiency of the late harvest, of counteracting the evil, either by assembling parlia

ment, or stopping the distillery of grain on their own responsibility. Earl Bathurst, in reply, defended the conduct of ministers, and said that stopping the distilleries by the executive government was a measure that could be justified only by the most urgent necessity. Lord Grenville concurred in this opinion, and stated some reasons why he should not oppose the present measure, though liable to objections. The bill went through the committee, and afterwards passed into a law.

It is proper to observe, that the scarcity of grain in Ireland, of which alarming reports were given, caused at length a similar prohibition from distillation to be extended to that country in this session of parliament, after several discussions in both Houses, which it does not seem important to particu larize.

CHAPTER

ON

N January 16, the House of Commons having resolved itself into a committee to consider of that part of the regent's speech which relates to his majesty's household, the chancellor of the exchequer rose to submit to the committee the measures which it might be proper to adopt under the existing circumstances. He began with stating the difference which prevailed with respect to the expectations of his majesty's recovery, between the present period and the last session of parliament; and having adverted to the opinions of the physicians lately laid before them as to the improbability of a recovery, he took as his standard that of the most sanguine among them, Dr. Simmons, who had stated the proportion of recoveries in persons beyond the age of 70, as one in five. He then proceeded to lay before the committee what he conceived to be the principal objects they had to keep in view. The exercise of the royal authority in the person of the king being suspended, it was first necessary to consider how it was to be supplied; and in the second place they were to take into consideration the nature of the provision requisite for the maintenance and comfort of the king during his illness. The first object was already provided for by that clause which gave to the regent the full powers of royalty

at the expiration of six weeks from the commencement of the present session; but with the sovereign authority, the civil list would also devolve upon him, unless parliament were to make some arrangement for his majesty's household. In discussing this topic, two considerations naturally suggested themselves-from what sources were the provision and attendants to be drawn? and what was the nature and extent of the provision to be made? With respect to the first, he had no hesitation to say that his majesty's present civil list, and his present officers and servants, were the source to be looked to. In considering the second point, it was the duty of the committee to contemplate, not only the probability and improbability of a recovery, but a kind of middle state, which, though it would not render his majesty capable of resuming the reins of government, might afford him the means of tasting more comfort and enjoyment than he could partake in at present. In such an event, it must be supposed that on awaking to a sense of his situation, his feelings would be less hurt to find not merely the same individuals about him who had formerly attended him, but the same officers to whom he had been accustomed. In this view of the subject, no one could think that the double establishment requisite

for

for a regent and a king could be conducted at the same expense as that for a king alone. The necessary additional expense he thought would not be regarded as extravagant if calculated at the sum of 10,000l. per ann.; and this he proposed to meet by an addition of that amount to the civil list.

In looking to the present household for a supply to his majesty's future servants, he should propose to take out of it those high officers, the lord steward, and the lord chamberlain, and in the room of the first to substitute the first gentleman of the bed-chamber, usually called the groom of the stole; and of the second, the vice-chamberlain. Of the lords and grooms of the bedchamber, he would propose retaining four of each class, to be selected from the present household; and in addition to these, a master of the robes, and seven or eight equerries. The present private secretary to the king might act in the same capacity to the queen; and he trusted that it would be thought right that the whole establishment above stated should be under the control and appointment of her majesty. With regard to the mode of providing for its expenses, he thought it would be best to take out of the civil list annually a sum equal to the estimated charges of the household, and if those should exceed the estimate, to defray the deficiency out of the treasury, which should state the sum to parliament, to be voted out of the supplies of the year; if, on the contrary, a surplus should remain, that it should be paid into the treasury. His estimate of the sum required was 100,000l.

He next called to the attention

of the committee the situation of the queen. As it could not be expected that she would continue stationary, as she had done, a greater expense would be incurred by any removal for health or amusement; and to meet this and other expenses attached to the new arrangement of the household, he should propose an addition out of the civil list of 10,000l. to her majesty's income. The pensions and allowances which his majesty was accustomed to bestow on the objects of his bounty were next to be considered. These had always been paid out of the privy purse, and as it would certainly be thought right to continue them, he supposed there would be no necessity for changing the fund; submitting however the accounts to a scrutiny in a committee of expenditure. The expenses for medical attendance on his majesty might be defrayed out of the same fund; but there was an excess in the revenue of the duchy of Lancaster of about 30 or 40,000l., which might be applied to demands of that kind. With respect to his majesty's private property, three commissioners should be appointed for the care of it, one to be a master in chancery, and the other two nominated by the queen and the regent.

He was now come to the consideration of the state in which the Prince Regent would be placed, having the civil list returned to him less by 100,000l. per annum than had been allowed to his majesty. The prince now possessed an exchequer revenue of 120,000l. upon which there were certain claims which it might be unjust to dis turb. He would, therefore, propose that of his exchequer income

50,000l.