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hear!) It was this middle policy which had now for many years been exercised towards Ireland, and if it was before founded on erroneous principles, how much more mischievous was it likely to prove when the Catholics were no longer few in numbers, weak in spirit, and contemptible in property, but formed, on the contrary, a large, intelligent, and wealthy part of the population ?— But the old objections were still urged, that their faith was the parent of treachery-that it was marked by a spirit of encroachment, and an attachment to foreign dominion. If this were a correct description of the character and genius of that religion, it was somewhat strange that its ambitious and domineering tendencies should have been so universally defeated, and that the religion itself should have been for a long time declining in every part of Europe. If indeed they did hold the doctrines ascribed to them, if their principle really was, as formerly stated, hæreticos persequar et expugnabo, he should say that something more than jealousy was necessary, and that such opinions and prineiples, if really entertained, would justify a general insurrection of mankind against the professors. But were not the words which contained these doctrines to be regarded merely as words of form? In the oath taken by the Kings of Scotland, and among others by William III. there was a clause by which the monarch swore to be careful to root out of the kingdom all those who were looked upon as heretics according to the kirk of Scotland-hear, hear!)—When King William objected at first to the obligation which these words seemed to impose on him, the commissioners assured him that the interpretation was entirely at his own discretion. It was rather unfair, therefore, to contend that King William took this oath only in a metaphorical sense, and his oath as King of England in a literal one. As to the argument of the Catholics not keeping faith with persons of a different persuasion, he might confidently appeal in answer to it to the preambles of all those statutes which, during the present reign, had been passed for their relief. He might appeal to the oaths which they had subscribed, and especially to one framed by a right honourable and learned gentleman not then present (Dr. Duigenan), who could not be suspected of drawing it up in too loose or unguarded a manner―(hear!) The Catholic, however, was told by some politicians that he ought to be content, and he was desired to look abroad, and observe how much happier he was than his religious

brethren on the Continent. For his own part, he did not like this advice, and would rather counsel them to look at home; and this, whether regarded as a matter of feeling, or of speculation. But if they did turn their eyes abroad to the shores of the enemy, what would they there see? They would there behold a combination of all tongues and religions, enlisted without distinction, under one common banner, against this empire. If they looked towards Russia, what presented itself to their attention? The Emperor in his camp accompanied by a schismatic Chancellor, a Catholic Secretary, and a Protestant General, and witnessing this, what was the question which they would naturally ask themselves?-(hear, hear!)-If they attended to what they now beheld or remembered of Austria, what was the inference? It could not be forgotten that Buona-parte, relying on false information, had offered to the Hungarians, what fortunately they had before attained, complete religious freedom; for although with a Catholic Constitution, the people were Catholic, Greek, and Protestant. In considering the situation of Spain, they certainly had to regret the spirit manifested in several of the late Decrees of the Cortes. Yet while we were interfering with the Spanish Government, and entreating it to ameliorate its policy towards its Colonies, it would not, perhaps, be very unnatural for that Government to turn round and desire us to take our own advice; to adopt ourselves those principles of conciliation which we recommended as applicable to infant states, in our conduct to mature and adult Ireland. (Hear, hear!) He knew that there were persons who even now entertained apprehensions of a yet more visionary nature than those which he had already referred to; persons who dreaded the revival of the first ages of persecu tion. Supposing that political feelings had mingled with the motives which animated the Anabaptists of Munster, which influenced Calvin, or Henry VIII. or John Knox, in all their violent and unrelenting bigotry, what did this prove but the formidable and dreadful effects of an union of religious zeal and political animosity? And here he regretted to say, that he had lately seen an address in too general circulation, entitled, "An awful Warning, or a History of the Massacres of St. Bartholomew." Who the author might be he knew not, and he need not say he did not wish to know; but for what purpose could the public mind be invited at this moment to a contemplation of the

367 character of Charles IX. and of the Guises, and to the horrors of the period in which they lived, but for that of obtaining some petty triumph, or to light up the torch of religious discords to the hazard of the tranquillity of the country?(hear, hear !)-This book, which contained plates by way of enlivening its representations, was dedicated to the memory of Mr. Perceval, between whom and Coligni, the writer affected to discover a striking resemblance. To shew the class of mind to which this work was addressed, he need only quote one passage, in which it was stated that, like Coligni, Mr. Perceval had fallen for his King, his Country, and his God-(hear, hear!)—Could the records of infamy produce an example of more malignant or inflammatory mischief?-And he conjured the House to reflect, that had the assassin of Mr. Perceval been an Irishman and a Catholic, it was not probable that such a publication, appearing at such a moment, might not have made Ireland a field of blood-(Loud cries of hear, hear!)-He must here pause a moment to observe, that when he first gave notice of this" motion, he had expected, whatever he might think of the arguments, to have been at least delighted with the presence of Mr. Perceval. But to return, he was sorry to say that this was not the first time that the massacre of St. Bartholomew had been converted to the purposes of inflaming and agitating an ignorant and infuriated mob. During the French Revolution it was represented on the stage of Paris. "Your citizens of Paris," observed Mr. Burke on this occasion, formerly lent themselves as the ready instruments to slaughter the followers of Calvin, at the massacre of St. Bartholomew. What should we say to those who could think of retaliating on the Parisians of this day, the abominations and horrors of that time ?" With respect to ultimate concession, it was an event which, on the scene of authority, it was impossible not to consider as desirable. Mr. Burke had anticipated it with a prophetic celerity; Mr. Fox, whose judgment and understanding no man more willingly acknowledged than himself, regarded it as essential to our national safety; and Mr. Windham, whose mind was cast in a different mould, and partook of a less sanguine temperament, who was known to look at every enlargement of popular privilege with something of an eye of jealousy, had entirely concurred in this opinion. To these great names he must add that of Mr. Pitt, a strong advocate of the Catholic claims, and a man whose warm and sincere

attachment to liberty was guided and disciplined by the most extensive political knowledge and the greatest practical experience. With all deference therefore to the opinions of those who resisted the Catholic cause, he conceived that the weight of authority was decidedly in its favour. The question now was not whether the Catholics were to have any thing, but whether they had enough; and his own opinion distinctly was, that the introduction of one hundred Members into that House was by no means calculated to operate such powerful political effects as the boon already granted, the elective franchise. They had heard much of the influence of the priesthood; he confessed he did not wish to see this diminished, nor could it be reasonably hoped. This dependance was to be traced to the poverty of an unlettered peasantry. He would rob the Catholic of every pretext for disaffection, by removing every cause of just complaint. This would be not only to gratify the loyal but to disappoint the turbulent and factious. He did not see how they could ask the Catholic himself to devise securities; he admitted the existence of no danger, and could not therefore be expected to provide a remedy. At all events, little punctilios should be laid aside: never did a legislature act upon a more dangerous principle than upon a feeling of personal honour, What was necessary to the character of individuals, was mischievous in administering the affairs of a great state. It was to the indulgence of these feelings, during the American war, that its disastrous results might be, in a great measure, attributed. He should be happy to see the boundaries of religious liberty extended on all sides, and congratulated an honourable baronet (Sir J. Hippisley) on the progress he had made in that salutary work. In the course which he was now about to propose, he had founded himself on two precedents, the first, that of Mr. Fox in 1783, when he moved a Resolution pledging the House to that adjustment which first gave to Ireland a civil constitution; the other was that which led to the Abolition of the Slave Trade. He hoped that the same good effects which had attended those two great measures might be realized in the issue of a similar proceeding. There was now no other way of really setting this question at rest, and they who should successfully resist a decision upon it, would incur a dreadful responsibility. He should conclude with moving a Resolution to this effect: That this House will, early in the next session of Parliament, take into

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its most serious consideration the laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects in Great Fritain and Ireland, with a view to such final conciliatory adjustment as may be conducive to the peace of the United Kingdom, the stability of the Protestant establishment, and the general satisfaction and concord of all classes of his Majesty's subjects. He begged leave to say, that the Catholics of England were included in this general designation, and although their uniform and undeviating loyalty, and examplary good conduct, might entitle them to a distinct and even a partial consideration, yet as they had themselves declined this distinction, he had united them in the same measure-(hear, hear!)

General Matthew rose to propose an Amendment. He said he had always been duly impressed with the importance of the great and vital question then before the House, and he had always taken a part in it as often as it was discussed, except when it was introduced this session by a noble lord; and his reason for not doing so then, was simply because he thought the motion ill-timed. In every other respect he cordially concurred in the justice of the case, and he thought the noble lord well entitled to the thanks of the Irish nation. He then wished, however, that no interference should take place on the part of Parliament, but that, after the Catholic Petitions were presented, every thing should be left to the unbiassed dictates of the Royal breast, and that emancipation should be granted rather as a boon than obtained as a legislative measure. He still believed that the Prince Regent was, in his heart, friendly to Ireland, but he had been misled by evil counsellors, who were ignorant of the state of that country. The Catholics of Ireland were, he contended, a faithful and a loyal people. Their conduct had uniformly proved them such. In the rebellions of 1715 and 1745, the object of which was to place a popish monarch on the throne, they remained steady, and attached to their Protestant King, and not a drop of blood flowing from the veins of an Irish nobleman bedewed the scaffold. In the rebellion of 1798, in their own country, they were not the original promoters. The seeds of that rebellion were first sown by Presbyterians in the north of Ireland, and not one Catholic joined till all hopes of emancipation were lost; fill their favourite Lord Lieutenant was recalled (Lord Fitzwilliam), and Lord Camden was sent out in his stead, when the cup was dashed from their parched and eager lips, and from that hour to this, oppression and tyranny have been the VOL. III.-1812. 3 B

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