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Yet methinks a beam of light breaks in
On my departing soul. Alas! I fear

I've been too hasty. O ye powers that search
The heart of man, and weigh his inmost thoughts,
If I have done amiss, impute it not.
The best may err, but you are good.

The Art of Growing Rich.

The first and most infallible method towards the attaining of this end is thrift; all men are not equally qualified for getting money, but it is in the power of every one alike to practise this virtue; and I believe there are very few persons who, if they please to reflect on their past lives, will not find, that had they saved all those little sums which they have spent unnecessarily, they might at present have been masters of a competent fortune. Diligence justly claims the next place to thrift; I find both these excellently well recommended to common use in the three following Italian proverbs: 'Never do that by proxy which you can do yourself;' 'Never defer that until to-morrow which you can do to-day;' 'Never neglect small matters and expenses.'

A third instrument in growing rich is method in business, which, as well as the two former, is also attainable by persons of the meanest capacities.

The famous De Witt, one of the greatest statesmen of the age in which he lived, being asked by a friend how he was able to despatch that multitude of affairs in which he was engaged, replied, That his whole art consisted in doing one thing at once. If, says he, I have any necessary despatches to make, I think of nothing else until those are finished; if any domestic affairs require my attention, I give myself up wholly to them until they are set in order.

In short, we often see men of dull and phlegmatick tempers arriving to great estates, by making a regular and orderly disposition of their business; and that, without it, the greatest parts and most lively imaginations rather puzzle their affairs than bring them to an happy issue. From what has been said, I think I may lay it down as a maxim, that every man of good common sense may, if he pleases, in his particular station of life, most certainly be rich. The reason why we sometimes see that men of the greatest capacities are not so, is either because they despise wealth in comparison of something else, or at least are not content to be getting an estate unless they may do it their own way, and at the same time enjoy all the pleasures and gratifications of life.

But besides these ordinary forms of growing rich, it must be allowed that there is room for genius as well in this as in all other circumstances of life. Though the ways of getting money were long since very numerous, and though so many new ones have been found out of late years, there is certainly still remaining so large a field for invention, that a man of an indifferent head might easily sit down and draw up such a plan for the conduct and support of his life as was never yet once thought of. We daily see methods put in practice by hungry and ingenious men, which demonstrate the power of invention in this particular. It is reported of Scaramouche, the first famous Italian comedian, that being in Paris, and in great want, he bethought himself of constantly plying near the door of a noted perfumer in that city, and when any one came out who had been buying snuff, never failed to desire a taste of them: when he had by

this means got together a quantity made up of several different sorts, he sold it again at a lower rate to the same perfumer, who, finding out the trick, called it tabac de mille fleurs, or snuff of a thousand flowers. The story further tells us, that by this means he got a very comfortable subsistence, until, making too much haste to grow rich, he one day took such an unreasonable pinch out of the box of a Swiss officer as engaged him in a quarrel, and obliged him to quit this ingenious way of life. Nor can I in this place omit doing justice to a youth of my own country, who, though he is scarce yet twelve years old, has, with great industry and application, attained to the art of beating the Grenadiers' March on his chin. I am credibly informed, that by this means he does not only maintain himself and his mother, but that he is laying up money every day, with a design, if the war continues, to purchase a drum at least, if not a pair of colours.

I shall conclude these instances with the device of the famous Rabelais, when he was at a great distance from Paris, and without money to bear his expenses thither. This ingenious author being thus sharp set, got together a convenient quantity of brick-dust, and having disposed of it into several papers, writ upon one, 'Poyson for Monsieur;' upon a second, 'Poyson for the Dauphin;' and on a third, Poyson for the King.' Having made this provision for the royal family of France, he laid his papers so that his landlord, who was an inquisitive man and a good subject, might get a sight of them. The plot succeeded as he desired; the host gave immediate intelligence to the secretary of state. The secretary presently sent down a special messenger, who brought up the traitor to court, and provided him at the king's expense with proper accommodations on the road. As soon as he appeared, he was known to be the celebrated Rabelais; and his powder upon examination being found very innocent, the jest was only laught at; for which a less eminent droll would have been sent to the galleys.

Trade and commerce might doubtless be still varied a thousand ways, out of which would arise such branches as have not yet been touched. The famous Doily is still fresh in every one's memory, who raised a fortune by finding out materials for such stuffs as might at once be cheap and genteel. I have heard it affirmed, that, had not he discovered this frugal method of gratifying our pride, we should hardly have been able to carry on the last war. I regard trade not only as highly advantagious to the commonwealth in general, but as the most natural and likely method of making a man's fortune, having observed, since my being a Spectator in the world, greater estates got about 'Change than at Whitehall or St James's. I believe I may also add, that the first acquisitions are generally attended with more satisfaction, and as good a conscience.

I must not, however, close this essay without observing, that what has been said is only intended for persons in the common ways of thriving, and is not designed for those men who, from low beginnings, push themselves up to the top of states and the most considerable figures in life. My maxim of saving is not designed for such as these, since nothing is more usual than for thrift to disappoint the ends of ambition; it being almost impossible that the mind should be intent upon trifles while it is, at the same time, forming some great design.

(From The Spectator, No. 283.)

The story about Rabelais is quite apocryphal, though it was long current; the Scaramouch (scaramuccia, skirmish) was not a person, but a character in the old Italian comedy, who was drubbed by the harlequin; Doily's achievements are noted under Gay, at page 175.

The Earl of Halifax (1661-1715) was, under his own name of Charles Montagu, famous as a wit in the days of Charles II., but survived to be the patron of Congreve, Addison, Steele, Rowe, and Tickell. Grandson of the parliamentary Earl of Manchester, he was born at Horton, Northamptonshire, and passed from Westminster to Trinity College, Cambridge. His most notable poetical achievement was his share in the parody on Dryden's Hind and Panther, called The Town and Country Mouse (1687), of which he was jointauthor with Matthew Prior. His career in Parliament as financier and Chancellor of the Exchequer is beyond the scope of these pages, where he is commemorated rather as a patron of literature than as a poet. In 1697 he became Premier, but his arrogance and vanity soon made him unpopular, and on the Tories coming into power in 1699 he was obliged to accept the auditorship of the Exchequer and withdraw from the Commons as Baron Halifax. He strongly supported the union with Scotland and the Hanoverian succession; and on George I.'s arrival became an earl and Prime-Minister.

Edward Cave (1691-1754), an enterprising and far-sighted editor, deserves mention here as the original 'Sylvanus Urban.' He was born at Newton near Rugby, where he received some schooling; and after many vicissitudes he became apprentice to a printer. Obtaining money enough to set up a small printing-office, in 1731 he started the Gentleman's Magazine, for which Samuel Johnson became parliamentary reporter in 1740; and amidst his endless periodicals and other undertakings, Cave published Johnson's Rambler, his Irene, London, and Life of Savage. He died with his hand in Johnson's.

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Lord Lansdowne (1667-1735), made a peer by Queen Anne, and imprisoned for a year and a half after the Hanoverian succession, was born at Hornby the son of a Yorkshire squire. As George Granville (or Grenville) he wrote many poems to Myra' (or 'Mira;' the Countess of Newburgh), and produced a comedy, a tragedy, an adaptation of the Merchant of Venice, a masque, and an opera-none of any permanent interest. He went into Parliament and public life in 1702. Waller, whom he imitated, commended him; and Pope commemorated 'Granville the polite' among his pretty numerous patrons.

John Oldmixon (1673-1742), one of the heroes of the Dunciad, was of an old Somersetshire family. He began to publish poems at twenty-two, but was better known as a pamphleteer and the author of dull partisan histories of the British Empire in America, and of England (against Clarendon and for Burnet); as also of 'memoirs'

of France, Scotland, and Ireland, designed to 'shew up' the plans of the French, the Stewarts, and the 'Papists.' In his Essay on Criticism he attacked Addison, Swift, Pope, and others, and thus and in other ways provoked Pope's antipathy.

Thomas Hearne (1678-1735), 'who studied and preserved Antiquities,' was born at White Waltham in Berkshire, studied at St Edmund Hall, Oxford, and in 1712 became second keeper of the Bodleian Library-a post he had to resign as a Jacobite in 1716, though he continued to live at Oxford till his death. He compiled and edited forty-one works, full of laborious learning but poor in style. Among them were Reliquia Bodleianæ, Leland's Itinerary and Collectanea, Curious Discourses upon English Antiquities; and the editions of Camden's Annals, William of Newburgh, Fordun's Scotichronicon, Robert of Gloucester's Chronicle, and that of Peter Langtoft. The Bibliotheca Hearniana was published in 1848; the Reliquia Hearnianæ in 1857. His autobiography is to be found in the Lives of Lelani, Hearne, and Wood (1772). His Collectiors were edited for the Oxford Historical Society (vols. i.—iii. by Doble, 1885-89; vols. iv.-v. by Rannie, 1902).

Thomas Carte (1686-1754) was born at Clifton-upon- Dunsmore vicarage, near Rugby, and educated at University College, Oxford. After taking orders, he was appointed reader at the Abbey Church, Bath; nevertheless in 1714 he resigned rather than take the oaths to the Hanoverian Government. In 1722 he was suspected of complicity in the conspiracy of Atterbury, whose secretary he was, and £1000 was offered for his apprehension; but he escaped to France, where he remained till 1728. After his return he published a Life of James, Duke of Ormonde (2 vols. 1736), and a History of England to 1654 (4 vols. 1747-55), whose prospects were blighted by an unlucky note ascribing to the Pretender the gift of touching for the king's evil. Subscribers withdrew their names, and the historian was 'left forlorn and abandoned amid his extensive collections.' His style was not attractive, but Carte's laborious history was a real triumph of research, and greatly above the level of any work that had yet appeared in England. Till now the most considerable had been the (partisan Whig) Compleat History, finally issued in 1706 by White Kennett; Echard's (1707); and the clear, methodical, and comparatively impartial English history by Paul Rapin de Thoyras, a French Protestant who had come to England with William III. and had fought at the Boyne and at Limerick. It was at the Hague and at Wesel that Rapin wrote his eight-volume Histoire d'Angleterre (1724), which was soon translated (1726-31) and became the standard work even in England. Against it Carte justly complained that Rapin had no knowledge of documents save those in Rymer's Fadera, and had never looked at the

valuable materials in the rolls of Parliament, the Cottonian MSS., and other available sources. Carte really did make an attempt to utilise the documents at his command; and though his work failed, it proved invaluable to many

successors.

William Stukeley (1687-1765), called the 'Arch-Druid,' was born at Holbeach; studied at Corpus, Cambridge; and practised as a doctor at Boston, London, and Grantham. In 1729 he took orders, and in 1747 became a London rector. His twenty works (1720-26), dealing with Stonehenge, Avebury, and antiquities generally, enshrine much that is credulous as well as curious. His Diary and Correspondence was published by the Surtees Society in 1884-87.

Benjamin Hoadly (1676-1761), successively Bishop of Bangor, Hereford, Salisbury, and Winchester, was a prelate of great controversial ability, who threw the weight of his talents into the scale of Whig politics when fiercely attacked by Tories and Jacobites. Born at Westerham in Kent, in 1697 he was elected a Fellow of Catharine Hall, Cambridge. In 1706, while rector of St Peter-lePoor, London, he attacked a sermon by Atterbury, and thus incurred the enmity and ridicule of Swift and Pope. He defended the Revolution of 1688, and attacked the doctrines of divine right and passive obedience with such vigour and perseverance that, in 1709, the House of Commons recommended him to the favour of the queen. Her successor, George I., elevated him in 1715 to the see of Bangor. Shortly after his elevation to the Bench Hoadly published a work against the Nonjurors, and a sermon preached before the king at St James's, on the 'Nature of the Kingdom or Church of Christ,' from the text, 'My kingdom is not of this world.' The latter excited a long and vehement dispute, known by the name of the Bangorian Controversy, in which an endless series of tracts was published. The Lower House of Convocation censured Hoadly's views, as calculated to subvert the government and discipline of the Church, and to impugn and impeach the royal supremacy in matters ecclesiastical. The controversy was conducted with unbecoming violence, and several bishops and other grave divines-Sherlock among the number-forgot the dignity of their station and the spirit of Christian charity in the heat of party warfare. Pope alludes sarcastically to Hoadly's sermon in the Dunciad:

Toland and Tindal, prompt at priests to jeer, Yet silent bowed to Christ's no kingdom here. Yet Hallam held that there was 'nothing whatever in Hoadly's sermon injurious to the established endowments and privileges, nor to the discipline and government of the English Church, even in theory. If this had been the case, he might have been reproached with some inconsistency in becoming so large a partaker of her honours and emoluments. He even admitted the usefulness of

censures for open immoralities, though denying all Church authority to oblige any one to external communion, or to pass any sentence which should determine the condition of men with respect to the favour or displeasure of God. Another great question in this controversy was that of religious liberty as a civil right, which the Convocation explicitly denied. And another related to the much-debated exercise of private judgment in religion, which, as one party meant virtually to take away, so the other perhaps unreasonably exaggerated.' Hoadly was author of several other works, as on the reasonableness of conformity and on the sacrament. The following is from the famous sermon on John xviii. 36:

The Kingdom of Christ not of this World.

If, therefore, the church of Christ be the kingdom of Christ, it is essential to it that Christ himself be the sole lawgiver and sole judge of his subjects, in all points relating to the favour or displeasure of Almighty God; and that all his subjects, in what station soever they may be, are equally subjects to him; and that no one of them, any more than another, hath authority either to make new laws for Christ's subjects, or to impose a sense upon the old ones, which is the same thing; or to judge, censure, or punish the servants of another master, in matters relating purely to conscience or salvation. If any person hath any other notion, either through a long use of words with inconsistent meanings, or through a negligence of thought, let him but ask himself whether the church of Christ be the kingdom of Christ or not; and if it be, whether this notion of it doth not absolutely exclude all other legislators and judges in matters relating to conscience or the favour of God, or whether it can be his kingdom if any mortal men have such a power of legislation and judgment in it. This inquiry will bring us back to the first, which is the only true account of the church of Christ, or the kingdom of Christ, in the mouth of a Christian; that it is the number of men, whether small or great, whether dispersed or united, who truly and sincerely are subjects to Jesus Christ alone as their lawgiver and judge in matters relating to the favour of God and their eternal salvation.

The next principal point is, that, if the church be the kingdom of Christ, and this kingdom be not of this world,' this must appear from the nature and end of the laws of Christ, and of those rewards and punishments which are the sanctions of his laws. Now, his laws are declarations relating to the favour of God in another state after this. They are declarations of those conditions to be performed in this world on our part, without which God will not make us happy in that to come. And they are almost all general appeals to the will of that God; to his nature, known by the common reason of mankind, and to the imitation of that nature, which must be our perfection. The keeping his commandments is declared the way to life, and the doing his will the entrance into the kingdom of heaven. The being subjects to Christ is to this very end, that we may the better and more effectually perform the will of God. The laws of this kingdom, therefore, as Christ left them, have nothing of this world in their view; no tendency either to the exaltation of some in worldly

pomp and dignity, or to their absolute dominion over the faith and religious conduct of others of his subjects, or to the erecting of any sort of temporal kingdom under the covert and name of a spiritual one.

The sanctions of Christ's law are rewards and punishments. But of what sort? Not the rewards of this world; not the offices or glories of this state; not the pains of prisons, banishments, fines, or any lesser and more moderate penalties; nay, not the much lesser and negative discouragements that belong to human society. He was far from thinking that these could be the instruments of such a persuasion as he thought acceptable to God. But as the great end of his kingdom was to guide men to happiness after the short images of it were over here below, so he took his motives from that place where his kingdom first began, and where it was at last to end; from those rewards and punishments in a future state, which had no relation to this world; and to shew that his 'kingdom was not of this world,' all the sanctions which he thought fit to give to his laws were not of this world at all.

St Paul understood this so well, that he gives an account of his own conduct, and that of others in the same station, in these words: 'Knowing the terrors of the Lord, we persuade men:' whereas, in too many Christian countries since his days, if some who profess to succeed him were to give an account of their own conduct, it must be in a quite contrary strain: 'Knowing the terrors of this world, and having them in our power, we do not persuade men, but force their outward profession against their inward persuasion.'

Now, wherever this is practised, whether in a great degree or a small, in that place there is so far a change from a kingdom which is not of this world, to a kingdom which is of this world. As soon as ever you hear of any of the engines of this world, whether of the greater or the lesser sort, you must immediately think that then, and so far, the kingdom of this world takes place. For, if the very essence of God's worship be spirit and truth, if religion be virtue and charity, under the belief of a Supreme Governour and Judge, if true real faith cannot be the effect of force, and if there can be no reward where there is no willing choice—then, in all or any of these cases, to apply force or flattery, worldly pleasure or pain, is to act contrary to the interests of true religion, as it is plainly opposite to the maxims upon which Christ founded his kingdom; who chose the motives which are not of this world, to support a kingdom which is not of this world. And indeed it is too visible to be hid, that wherever the rewards and punishments are changed from future to present, from the world to come to the world now in possession, there the kingdom founded by our Saviour is in the nature of it so far changed that it is become in such a degree what he professed his kingdom was not, that is, of this world; of the same sort with other common earthly kingdoms, in which the rewards are worldly honours, posts, offices, pomp, attendance, dominion; and the punishments are prisons, fines, banishments, galleys and racks, or something less of the same sort.

See the Life in the edition of his works by Hoadly's son (3 vols. folio, 1773).

Daniel Waterland (1683-1740), born at Waseley rectory, Lincolnshire, was elected in 1704 a Fellow of Magdalen College, Cambridge, and in 1730 became Archdeacon of Middlesex and vicar of

Twickenham. He was a controversial theologian of great ability and acuteness, and as champion of Trinitarian orthodoxy vindicated the doctrines of the Church of England from Arian and deistic assailants. His several publications on the Trinity constitute a valuable series of treatises. A complete edition of his works, with a Life of the author by Bishop Van Mildert, was published at Oxford, in eleven volumes, in 1823.

Conyers Middleton (1683-1750), rector of Hascombe in Surrey, was very eminent as a controversialist; and even Parr, who proved that his famous and eulogistic Life of Cicero (1741) was largely plagiarised from William Bellenden, a Scottish seventeenth century author, held that as a writer of English Middleton was, excelled by Addison alone. It is long since he ceased to hold this proud eminence; but he was a very conspicuous personage in his lifetime. A native of Richmond in Yorkshire, Fellow and librarian of the University of Cambridge, he was early engaged in a personal feud with Bentley, and ultimately had to apologise for libel. A Letter from Rome shewing an exact conformity between Popery and Paganism (1729) was ostensibly an attack on Catholic ritual, but raised grievous suspicions of the writer's soundness in the Christian faith. In a controversy with Waterland he professed to be answering the deists, but gave up the literal accuracy of Scripture and was by many regarded as little better than a dangerous freethinker. An Introductory Discourse and a Free Inquiry (1747-49) denied the credibility of all miracles later than the first age of the Church, but was by most thought to cast doubt on all miracles. In the Life of Cicero, admiration of the rounded style and flowing periods of the Roman orator seems to have produced in his biographer a desire to attain to similar excellence; certainly few contemporaries wrote English with the same careful finish and sustained dignity. A few sentences from his panegyrical summary of Cicero's character will exemplify his style:

He [Cicero] made a just distinction between bearing what we cannot help, and approving what we ought to condemn; and submitted, therefore, yet never consented to those usurpations; and when he was forced to comply with them, did it always with a reluctance that he expresses very keenly in his letters to his friends. But whenever that force was removed, and he was at liberty to pursue his principles and act without controul, as in his consulship, in his province, and after Cæsar's death (the only periods of his life in which he was truly master of himself), there we see him shining out in his genuine character of an excellent citizen, a great magistrate, a glorious patriot; there we see the man who could declare of himself with truth, in an appeal to Atticus as to the best witness of his conscience, that he had always done the greatest services to his country when it was in his power; or when it was not, had never harboured a thought of it but what was divine. If we must needs compare him, therefore, with Cato, as some writers affect to do, it is certain that if Cato's

virtue seem more splendid in theory, Cicero's will be found superior in practice; the one was romantic, the other was natural; the one drawn from the refinements of the schools, the other from nature and social life; the one always unsuccessful, often hurtful; the other always beneficial, often salutary to the republic.

To conclude: Cicero's death, though violent, cannot be called untimely, but was the proper end of such a life; which must also have been rendered less glorious if it had owed its preservation to Antony. It was, therefore, not only what he expected, but, in the circumstances to which he was reduced, what he seems even to have wished. For he, who before had been timid in dangers and desponding in distress, yet, from the time of Cæsar's death, roused by the desperate state of the republic, assumed the fortitude of a hero, discarded all fear, despised all danger, and when he could not free his country from a tyranny, provoked the tyrants to take that life which he no longer cared to preserve. Thus, like a great actor on the stage, he reserved himself, as it were, for the last act; and after he had played his part with dignity, resolved to finish it with glory.

The Bellenden with whose heifer Middleton ploughed was not John Bellenden (Vol. I. p. 215) but William Bellenden, sometime professor at Paris, who wrote in Latin more than one work on Cicero, the last giving Cicero's history in Cicero's own words, and died about 1633

Middleton thus found not merely his plan ready

made, but his materials collected.

Nathaniel Lardner (1684-1768), an English Nonconformist divine who ultimately became a Unitarian, was born and died at Hawkhurst in Kent. He wrote a number of theological works, including The Credibility of the Gospel History (2 vols. 1727 and 12 vols. 1733-55), long a notable part of English apologetics, and a large collection of Jewish and Heathen Testimonies to the Truth of Christianity (1764-67).

William Law (1686–1761) was a great writer of English, a consummate controversialist, and a powerful and permanent spiritual influence. Born a grocer's son at Kingscliffe, Northamptonshire, he entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and became a Fellow in 1711. He was unable to subscribe the oath of allegiance to George I., and forfeited his fellowship. About 1727 he became tutor to the father of Edward Gibbon, and for ten years was 'the much-honoured friend and spiritual director of the whole family.' The elder Gibbon died in 1737, and three years later Law retired to Kingscliffe, where he was joined by his disciples, Miss Hester Gibbon, sister of his pupil, and Mrs Hutcheson-ladies whose united income of about £3000 a year was mostly spent in works of charity. About 1733 Law had begun to study Jacob Boehme, and most of his later books are expositions of Boehme's mysticism or adaptations of it. Law won his first triumphs against Bishop Hoadly in the famous Bangorian Controversy with his Three Letters (1717). His Remarks on Mandeville's Fable of the Bees (1723) is a masterpiece of caustic wit and vigorous English. Only less admirable is the Case of Reason (1732), in answer to Tindal the deist. held that Locke's philosophy led to freethinking,

He

and regarded Warburton's defence of Christianity as worse than useless. His most famous work remains the Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life (1729), written before the 'mystical period,' which profoundly influenced Dr Johnson and the Wesleys, as well as the early evangelicals such as Venn, Scott, and Newton. His position, theologically and otherwise, was somewhat isolated, and was puzzling even to the more spiritual tempers in an unspiritual age. He was a High Churchman but an enthusiast'-characters not then thought compatible; his asceticism seemed to smack of Puritanism; his later mysticism alienated the Wesleys, and as a Churchman he was a controversial anti-Methodist. But his character and his writings produced marked effects on English intellectual life. His thought and his style were equally vigorous; his reasoning logical and keen ; his expression lucid, brilliant, and often highly humorous; and, like most of his contemporaries, he had no dislike to forms of argument that would now be accounted too personal, as in the following extract from his attack

On Mandeville's 'Fable of the Bees.'

Sir, I have read your several compositions in favour of the vices and corruptions of mankind, and hope I need make no apology for presuming to offer a word or two on the side of virtue and religion. I shall spend no time in preface or general reflections, but proceed directly to the examination of such passages as expose moral virtue as a fraud and imposition, and render all pretences to it as odious and contemptible. Though I direct myself to you, I hope it will be no offence if I sometimes speak as if I was speaking to a Christian, or show some ways of thinking that may be owing to that kind of worship which is professed amongst us. Ways of thinking derived from revealed religion are much more suitable to our low capacities than any arrogant pretences to be wise by our own light. Moral virtue, however disregarded in practice, has hitherto had a speculative esteem amongst men; her praises have been celebrated by authors of all kinds, as the confessed beauty, ornament, and perfection of human nature. On the contrary, immorality has been looked upon as the greatest reproach and torment of mankind; no satyr has been thought severe enough upon its natural baseness and deformity, nor any wit able to express the evils it occasions in private life and public societies. Your goodness would not suffer you to see this part of Christendom deluded with such false notions of I know not what excellence in virtue or evil in vice, but obliged you immediately to compose a system (as you call it) wherein you do these three things. 1st. You consider man merely as an animal, having, like other animals, nothing to do but to follow his appetites. 2dly. You consider man as cheated and flattered out of his natural state by the craft of moralists, and pretend to be very sure that the 'moral virtues are the political offspring which flattery begot upon pride.' So that man and morality are here both destroyed together; man is declared to be only an animal, and morality an imposture. According to this doctrine, to say that a man is dishonest is making him just such a criminal as a horse that does not dance. But this is not all, for you dare further affirm in praise of

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