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have cultivated hemp, flax, oil, madder, woad, and the long list of dyeing materials.--Instead of the languishing faces, jaundiced by disappointment and debt,--instead of the frantic vociferations of ignorance and folly smarting under the empyricism, to which they have surrendered themselves, and crying out even for the curse of war, as a relief to their distress, --we should have beheld, in the prosperous agriculturists of those fertile regions, the joyful countenance of new and vigorous enterprise, lighted by hope and radiant with success, looking back with exultation, and forward with confidence.We should have beheld the enlightened and provident merchant, gradually withdrawing his capital from distant and perilous adventures, and directing it to the more safe, and more profitable speculations, which each day would have opened to him under his own eyes. The numerous and respectable portion of our country men who are engaged in navigation, would have had time to seek new channels of enterprise, and such is the acuteness and versatility of their minds, that time is all they want to employ their energies to effect.
We should have obtained respectand redress from the nations whose conduct was injurious to us, and who seeing us resort, with temper and firmness, to a remedy which we knew how to manage, and whose effect they knew how to calculate, would have abandoned their injustice, or suffered for their obstinacy. Instead of an empty treasury which has led our government to the beggarly expedient of a loan, which could not be filled, and the fallacious resort to promissory notes, without a fund to redeem them, we should have had a revenue equal to our wants, and fiscal means in abundance, for cherishing to perfection, the new system of internal improvement.-All this we might have had by simply substituting high duties in lieu of embargo, non-intercourse and prohibition, and making our attack
upon the industry of our enemies rather than our own. But it may be said, that the first embargo was an experiment, from which good was to be hoped, though no good resulted; that, in Mr. Jefferson, even error was to be respected, since it could not have sprung from any sinister motive. Let charity admit this excuse for the first embargo, but where are we to seek one for the second? when the demonstrations of experience were added to the predictions of wisdom, and that experience derived, not from distant countries and past ages, but from our own distress actually under our eyes, from the melancholy faces of our people, from the still counting-houses of our merchants, from the depression of all the industrious, from the exultation of the profligate and dishonest. Alas! my friend, I mourn over the evils which are thickening around us, over the degradation of national character, over the destruction of private prosperity, over the probable result of our republican experiment. From Mr. Madison, I did hope better things.-Talents he undoubtedly possesses, but they are the talents of peaceful times, and he has rushed into a war, for which his nature in no manner qualifies him.
How many millions of voices would, in the course of the present century, have joined in blessing the name of Madison, if at the late session of Congress, he had successfully exerted his influence to preserve, to multiply, to secure the arts and occupations of peace, at the same time that he preserved, or rather recovered the character of the country!
Never was there, never will there again occur, a moment so propitious for establishing a system fraught with every advantage to ourselves, and as it relates to others, moderate, impartial, practicable, and efficacious. Such would have been the measure of quadruple duties, on all imports from those nations which violated our rights, accompanied by energetic and adequate custom-house regulations, and followed by the repeal of all those laws, which now lock up our productions at home.
It is not uncommon to hear it stated, that all encouragement to manufactures, must be at the expense of agriculture; and as this is the best employment for any people, and especially for the American, that such encouragement ought not to be give en.-If this opinion were correct, I should be the last man to recommend manufactures—but so far is it otherwise, that it is clear to me, that no better means exist, for raising agriculture from depression, or maintaining it in prosperity, than, the introduction of manufactures into its neighbourhood.What is the first step taken by the farmer, when he begins to feel the pressure of these times? Is it not to manufacture his clothing at home? Does not this relieve him greatly, by affording employment to hands, who are thrown idle upon him;—by giving value to some of his fields, as pasture for sheep, and to others for the culture of flax, and thus introducing two new raw materials? If he had more of these raw materials, would he not derive benefit from the employment of more force them, that he might supply his neighbours, and would it not be of great advantage to him to derive an income for these new materials, to make up for that which he has lost from his former objects of culture?
upon There can be but one answer to these questions, and that answer is confirmed, by the experience of those, who have had the judgment to direct their attention already, to manufactures of first necessity. But that reasoning which applies to an individual in this case, applies still more forcibly, to a whole district of country, or a state.--In short, wherever you increase the demand for food, and the other productions of the earth, you promote agriculture. By introducing manufactures, you increase that demand-Therefore by introducing manufactures you encourage agriculture. Thus is my syllogism complete, and the truth of my position as clear, as the affection and friendship with which I am, &c.
Message of the President of the United States to both houses of
Representatives of the United States, I communicate to congress for their information, copies and extracts from the correspondence of the Secretary of State, and the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris. These documents will place before congress the actual posture of our relations with France.
JAMES MADISON. May 26, 1812.
CORRESPONDENCE. Letters from the Secretary of State to Mr. Barlow.
Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, to Joel Barlow, Esq.
Department of State, July 26, 1811. IT is the desire of the president that you should set out, without delay, for Paris, to commence the duties of the office of minister plenipotentiary to the emperor of France, with which you are invested. A frigate, prepared for your accommodation, will receive you at Annapolis, and convey you to the most convenient port of that country. I inclose you a commission and letter of credence, with such other documents as are necessary to illustrate the subjects on which you will have to act.
With the ordinary duties of the office you are too well acquainted to require any comment on them in this letter. There are, however, some subjects of peculiar importance, which will claim your attention immediately after your reception. On these it is proper that you should know distinctly the sentiments of the president.
The United States have claims on France, which it is expected that her government will satisfy to their full extent and without delay. These are founded partly on the late arrangement, by which VOL. IV. App.