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Mr. Riley. Having once adopted a mode of proceeding, which so effectually answered the end, for which they designed it, informations were moved for, and attachments granted against the different magistrates, who called the meetings, and signed the respective resolutions of the freeholders in the counties of Roscommon and Leitrim. At the same time, the press too came under the lash of the attorney-general: and the printers and publishers of such newspapers, as had inserted the obnoxious resolutions, suffered with the magistrates, who had signed them, Notwithstanding these violent measures which administration were pursuing, the national congress met, pursuant to its appointment, on the 25th day of October. But as it was far from being complete in point of number, and several of its most respectable members chose to absent themselves, they adjourned, after having passed a number of resolutions to the same purport with those, that had been agreed to at the previous meeting; and exhorted in the most earnest manner the communities, which had not sent representatives, if they respected their own consistency, if they wished for the success of a parliamentary reform, and as they tendered the perpetual liberty and prospe rity of their country, not to let pass that opportunity of effecting the great and necessary confirmation of the constitution."

The link of unanimity having heen once severed, the fall of the armed associations into difference and contention was much more rapid, than had been their progress to union. The divi sions of the volunteers were encouraged by government; and for that purpose discord and turbulence were rather countenanced than checked in many counties, particularly upon the delicate and important expedient of admitting the Catholics to the elective franchise, a question, which it was artfully attempted to connect with the now declining cause of parliamentary reform. Through a long series of years government had never wanted force to quell internal commotions; and it seemed to be now dreaded lest an union of Irishmen should extinguish the old means of creating dissension. The desire of disuniting the volunteers begat inattention to the grievances of the discontented and distressed peasantry of the south: that wretched and lawless rabble once more assumed the style of White Boys: and for some time committed their depredations with impunity, particu larly against Kilkenny; until a stop was put to them by the loyal and vigorous efforts of the Rev. Dr. Troy, then the Roman

His Pastoral letter, or Circular Exhortation, may be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXIV. on which occasion the following letter was written to him by command of his excellency.

Dublin Castle, 20th Nov. 1784.

"SIR, "I read with pleasure your forcible and well-timed Exhortation to "the Roman Catholics of the diocese of Ossory, upon the re-appearance in

Catholic bishop of Ossory, and the clergy of his diocese; for which successful exertions he received the most satisfactory acknowledgments from government.

As the unanimity of the volunteers diminished, their spirit and exertions abated: something, however, was to be attempted before the meeting of the parliament. On the second of January, 1785, the second meeting of the delegates was had at Dublin, at which were present the representatives of twentyseven counties, and of most of the cities and considerable towns of the kingdom, amounting in the whole to more than 200 perTheir proceedings appear to have been of the same nature as those before adopted, with this only difference, that in the proposed application to the House of Commons, it was agreed to confine themselves to the most general terms, and to leave the mode of redress as free and open as possible to the consideration of parliament.

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The British Parliament sat to the 25th of August, 1784, and met again on the 25th of January, 1785: and from his majesty's speech it appears, that "their first concern was the settlement "of all differences with Ireland. Amongst the objects which "now require consideration, I must particularly recommend to your earnest attention the adjustments of such points in the "commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland as "are not yet finally arranged: the system which will unite both "kingdoms the most closely on principles of reciprocal advantage, will, I am persuaded, best ensure the general prosperity " of my dominion."

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The parliament of Ireland met on the 20th of January, 1785, when the lord lieutenant thus addressed them :

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MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,,

"I HAVE his majesty's commands to meet you in parliament, and to desire your advice and co-operation upon those affairs of importance, which in the present cir"cumstances of the kingdom require your most serious atten❝tion.

"in the county of Kilkenny of those execrable rioters formerly called White "Boys. I thought it a justice due to you to lay it before the lord lieutenant; and I have bis commands to assure you of the great satisfaction he feels in "the part you have taken for the preservation of peace, and preventing the "unhappy consequences, which must follow from those wicked and deluded "people persisting in such outrageous violation of the law. I trust your endeavours will have that success which they merit, and which claim the "esteem of all good men.

"I have the honour to be, Sir,

"Your most obedient humble servant,

"THOMAS ORDE."

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"Whilst I lamented the lawless outrages and unconstitution"al proceedings which had taken place since your last proroga"tion, I had the satisfaction to perceive that these excesses were confined to a few places, and even there condemned. "And I have now the pleasure to observe, that by the salutary "interposition of the laws, the general tranquillity is re-estab "lished.

"I am to recommend in the king's name to your earnest in"vestigation those objects of trade and commerce between this "kingdom and Great Britain, which have not yet received their "complete adjustment. In framing a plan with a view to a final "settlement, you will be sensible that the interest of Great Bri "tain and Ireland ought to be for ever united and inseparable. "And his majesty relies on your liberality and wisdom for adopting such an equitable system for the joint benefit of both "countries, and the support of the common interest, as will se.. cure mutual satisfaction and permanency."

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After the address had been moved and seconded, Lord Edward Fitzgerald said, he would not have had any objection to the address, if it had proceeded in the usual mode, as mere complimentary matter of form; but when it declared an approbation of the firm and moderate measures of his Grace's government, measures in which he could not coincide, he felt himself under the necessity of opposing that part of the address. He therefore moved, that the words "experienced virtue and firmness" should be expunged, and the words, "and whose private vir"tues entitle him to the esteem and regard of this house," should be inserted in their room.

Sir Edward Crofton seconded the amendment.

The great objection which the friends of reform had to the words firmness and moderation, arose out of the alleged illegality of the attachments issued in the course of the recess out of the King's Bench. It was asserted on one side, though denied on the other, that the mode of attachment had been adopted because a jury could not be trusted on the occasion. The late prosecutions and attachments were traced up to the ministry, and vehemently inveighed against by the opposition: they were strenuously defended as legal, moderate, and efficient, by the treasury bench.

On the ensuing day a very warm debate arose out of an amendment proposed by Mr. Flood to the address to his majesty: but he was not supported even by several of the staunchest advocates for reform. Much was said both on the illegality of attachments and parliamentary reform, though neither subject were before the house. The attorney general, (Mr. Fitzgibbon) boldly defended the legality and the necessity of attachments. Mr. Grattan most severely reprobated the convention

of delegates, and lamented the change attempted to be introduced into the volunteer corps. The old original volunteers had become respectable, because they represented the property of the nation; but lately attempts had been made to arm the poverty of the country. He condemned the meeting of the delegates, and all other excesses, because they prejudiced the reform in parliament, and at the same time they insulted its authority.*

His majesty's answer to the addresses, which was communi cated to the commons on the 4th of February, 1785, spoke a very determined language against the attempts of the delegates† to dictate to, and overawe the parliament.

The session of 1785, in both kingdoms, was unusual for its duration and the close attention, which the arduous subjects of deliberation forced the members to give to their legislative duties. The commercial arrangements between Great Britain and Ireland, exercised the attention of both parliaments upwards of seven months. In the Irish House of Commons, the advocates for reform were not dispirited by the late answer of his majesty, nor by the many vigorous measures adopted by government, from pursuing their favourite object. Upon this ground, Sir Edward Crofton, on the 4th of February,‡ presented a bill to preserve the freedom of parliament, by ascertaining the qualifications of members to serve in the House of

Parl. Debates, p. 42.

"GEORGE R.

This is the answer of his majesty.

"His majesty has received with great satisfaction, the "dutiful and loyal address of the House of Commons, and the sentiments "therein expressed, of their zealous and affectionate attachment to his person "and government, as well as their just sense of the experienced moderation "and firmness of their present chief governor.

"His majesty has the fullest reliance, that his faithful commons will make "provisions for such supplies as may be suitable to the exigencies of the state, "the interests of his people, and the honourable support of his government.

"His majesty has observed with great concern the popular disturbances, "that have lately prevailed, from the intemperance and indiscretion of mis"guided men; and confides in the constant and strenuous endeavours of his "faithful commons of Ireland to prevent their pernicious effects; and their "resolution, to reject and suppress every assumed authority, which may at"tempt to dictate to the legislature, affords his majesty the highest satisfac"tion. His majesty is fully persuaded, that a proper degree of attention will "be shewn in the consideration of such internal regulations as may be neces"sary for securing the peace and happiness of his subjects in Ireland, as well "as for the settlement of all commercial objects between his kingdoms, upon "equitable and lasting principles, for the mutual advantage of the different "parts of the empire: and they may depend upon his most ready concurrence "in the support of such measures as, upon a mature consideration, may appear to draw closer those ties of interest and affection between the two countries, which are so essential to their general happiness and prosperity.

4 Parl, Debates, p. 79.

G. R."

'Commons. The tenor of the bill was to make 500l. per annum fee simple estate the qualification for a knight of the shire; and 300% per annum of like estate that for a citizen or burgess. This would have established too much independence in the house not to be opposed by the Castle interest. The ardent declarations of Mr. Pitt in the British House of Commons on the first day of the session, upon parliamentary reform, on which, he said, he laboured incessantly, and was the object nearest to his heart, buoyed up their confidence, that in Ireland his friend and colleague in that cause, and now the organ of the British minister in Ireland, would not oppose its progress in that kingdom, where it was more wanted, more generally and urgently called for by the people, and could be more easily effected than in Great Britain, whose prime minister had so confidently boasted of his wishes to bring it to bear.* At a

Lord Surrey (now Duke of Norfolk) in observing upon the king's speech, mentioned the attachments, that had lately been issued against sheriffs in Ireland, for having convened what he could not but consider as a meeting perfectly legal, and perfectly constitutional; he trusted therefore something was intended to be done on the subject. To assemble, for the purpose of considering of a parliamentary reform, appeared to him to be the last matter that should be proceeded against; more especially in such an extraordinary way as by attachment. To this, Mr. Pitt said, (17 English Parl. Debates, p. 8) he was not sorry for what the noble lord had said upon that subject: on the contrary, he was extremely g'ad that a parliamentary reform had been mentioned. Perhaps he did not differ from the noble lord, in thinking that the most practicable mode of accomplishing the object of amending the representation of the people, would have been to bring it explicitly forward in his majesty's speech. Great and wise men had entertained various conceptions of that important matter. He was willing to give it all the fair play, to which the ardent desire of the people, its own momentous consequence, and his sincere inclination entitled it. On this business he laboured incessantly. It was that which, of all others, was the nearest his heart: and at that very early period of the session, to have stated it specifically, was impossible. Much was still to do. His ideas were not matured. It comprehended a great variety of considerations: it related to the essentials or vitals of the constitution; it therefore required the most delicate and unremitted attention; it was a path which he was determined to tread; but he knew with what tenderness and circumspection it became him to proceed. He hoped, however, in a few days, to be able to name a day, on which he should have the honour of submitting his proposition to the house. It was his aim to propose a specific plan of reform, which, in his judgment, for of that only he spoke, and for that only he pledged himself, as every man would undoubtedly judge in so great and critical a case, according to the best of his own judgement, which he presumed would be an improvement of the constitution, as if it would confer permanency and effect on those principles which constituted its distinguishing excellence. To this measure he pledged himself, but did not feel any obligation to define it at present; nor was he willing to bring it forward too early, lest he might not leave himself sufficient time for digesting what he should think it incumbent on him to lay before the house. But he was anxious to improve his plan with whatever was requisite to render it effectual, and to bring it on with every solemnity which could contribute to its influence and respectability. He should, therefore, choose, that a motion for a call of the house shoud precede it, in order that the friends and opposers of the motion might have a fair invitation either to support or contest it.

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