"in preparing a plan of commercial intercourse with Great Bri"tain. We are aware that the utmost delicacy and caution are "necessary for the conduct of measures, in which the rights and "interest of both kingdoms are equally concerned, and must be แ equally regarded; and we entertain a just sense of the attention "your grace has manifested to this principle, that their comple❝tion should depend upon the public satisfaction. We trust "therefore, that the further consideration of this subject will be "pursued with that temper, that spirit of conciliation, and that im"partial attention to the general welfare of the whole empire, "which alone can ensure permanency to any system, or enable "the wisdom of parliament to perfect such an equal, reciprocal, "and just arrangement as may unite both kingdoms for ever in "interest, and preserve in each a firm confidence of mutual af"fection.

"It is our zealous and ardent wish, that your grace may long "continue the government of this kingdom, and contemplate, "with growing pride and satisfaction, the successful effect of your government, in the increasing affection of a generous "people, and in the progressive harmony and strength of the "empire."

66

The address having been first read at large, and afterwards paragraph by paragraph, as the Speaker was proceeding to put the question, Mr. Grattan, who just entered the house, said, "I "wish to give my assent to the address; every personal com"pliment to his grace the lord lieutenant, I am desirous, to pay; "the motion of yesterday, therefore, to thank him for his pru"dent, wise, and just administration, passed unanimously; but "the address combining the personal merit of his grace with "the political demerit of the late offensive arrangement, embar"rasses those who would make a personal compliment, without making a public surrender of commerce and constitution; I say, if the address only proposed to let down administration easy, to cover their most happy defeat, and to console them a "little for the most fortunate overthrow of a most unjustifiable system, I should have been silent; but here is my objection; "I fear I see in some part of that address, a train laid for the "revival of the twenty propositions, and of that bill by which "the right honourable gentleman proposed to carry the substance "of those propositions into execution. Where the address "would thank the minister for the attention paid to the satisfac "tion of the public, I have no objection to it, other than a want "of foundation in fact. The secretary did not, in the conduct "of this commercial business, pay the least attention to public "satisfaction; on the contrary, after almost every county and "city in the most pointed manner, had expressed their dissatis

"faction at his adjustment, he introduced his bill in their defi66 ance; nay, after an hundred and ten of the first men in the kingdom had opposed the leave for bringing in the bill, he en66 tertained an intention of forcing on the measure, until he was taught to understand, that the servants of the crown would op66 pose it in its progress. The house was canvassed, and finding that he would be in the minority, the right honourable gentleman declined a measure, which he found he could not carry; and yielded, not in compliment to public satisfaction, "but in certainty and shame of a public parliamentary over"throw."

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However, after a long conversation, the question for the address was carried by 130 against 13. The house then attended the lord lieutenant, who after signifying the royal assent to several public and private bills, thus addressed the two houses of parliament.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"ALTHOUGH the very advanced season of the year renders it expedient to conclude the present "session of parliament, I flatter myself, that the great object of "adjusting a commercial intercourse with Great Britain has not "in vain engaged your attention, and protracted your delibera"tions. You have repeatedly expressed your wishes for the "attainment of an equitable settlement, and I have the satisfac"tion to observe, that you continue to be impressed with a true "sense of its necessity and importance. You will have now the “fullest leisure to pursue your consideration of the subject in "private, with that dispassionate assiduity which it so eminently deserves.

"GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

"I am to thank yon, in his majesty's name, for the liberal pro"vision you have made for the public service, and the honourable support of his majesty's government. In your generous con"tribution of supplies, you have not less consulted the dignity "of his crown than the real interests of his people. The ne"cessity of preventing the accumulation of debt cannot be too "strongly enforced, and it shall be my earnest and constant en"deavour to render your wise exertions for this salutary purpose effectual and permanent.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

“I feel the truest satisfaction in observing the various benefi "cial laws, which have passed during this session, and the "wholesome effects of your wisdom in the returning tranquillity "and industry, and in the rising prosperity of the kingdom.

The conduct of parliament has had its just influence, their de"liberate spirit and approved attention at all times to the public "welfare has inspired the people with full confidence in the legislature, and will teach them to consider their true interests. "with calmness and discretion.

"The noblest object to which I can direct my attention, and "which will ever constitute the happiness and pride of my life, "is the establishment of the prosperity of Ireland, by extending "and securing her commerce, and by cementing and perpetuat"ing her connection with Great Britain. And I trust you will "continually cherish this sentiment in the national mind, that "the stability and strength of the empire can alone be ultimate"ly insured by uniting the interests and objects of both king"doms in a general and equitable system of reciprocal and com"mon advantage."

It is not to be supposed, that an object of so much importance, which fully occupied the attention of both legislatures for seven months, should fall under the consideration of the Irish people out of parliament, without producing a considerable sensation upon the public mind. We have occasionally adverted to the agitation of political questions by the armed bodies of associated volunteers. We have noticed the division of these associations upon certain points, and we have reflected upon the consequent decline of their influence and power upon the nation. The differences, which actually procreated the dissent of Lord Charlemont from the general disposition of the original volunteers to embrace their Catholic brethren in the system of parliamentary reform, were by the artful manœuvres of government rendered ancillary to the debilitation of that armed union of sentiment, which bad defiance to their most rigorous exertions of power. But these dissensions hitherto were confined to Catholic indulgence and parliamentary reform. The projected propositions touched neither of these questions: and as far as they could be or were understood by the different corps, which undertook to consider them, there appears to have been but one opinion for their rejection. The people was disposed or taught to believe, that the propositions were detrimental to the interests of Ireland, and that government wished and intended to force them upon Ireland by the influence of the British cabinet. No wonder then, that the popularity of the Duke of Rutland fell in the proportionate degree, as these convictions gained ground, and every exertion of rigour, whether by attachment or undoubted legal process, infused into the popular mind a degree of venom and asperity against their governor, whom they really considered counteracting the interests of their country. The city of Dublin, the grand centre of public and private negociation, continued during the whole course of the summer of 1785, to be a scene

of tumult and disorder. No sooner had parliament risen, than the expedient of non-importation agreements was again resorted to with greater zeal than ever. These engagements spread themselves into every quarter of the kingdom: they received the sanction of several grand juries, and the merchants of the trading ports found themselves compelled to subscribe to them. The enforcing of these prohibitory compacts naturally devolved upon the lowest class of the people, and they proceeded in the execution of that function according to the usual modes of popu lar discipline: to keep these excesses within some bounds, the military were posted in such parts of the city, as were the most subject to tumult; sentinels were placed to prevent or give notice of the first appearance of riot, and the garrison was kept in constant readiness for action.

This untemporizing disposition in government drew on the lord lieutenant, whose manners were in other respects peculiarly adapted to command the favour of the Irish, an unusual share of popular odium. His excellency once was received at the theatre by the performance of a piece of music, called the volunteer's march. A general uproar ensued; the entertainments of the evening were stopped; and it was said he narrowly escaped the personal outrage of the mob.

When the Duke of Rutland met the parliament, according to adjournment, on the 19th of January, 1786, it appears from the speech from the throne, that it was his wish, that the consideration of the commercial intercourse should be revived; he considered, that the national solicitude of the Irish parliament for the welfare of that kingdom would point out to them the line of conduct, which would be most conducive to the public advantage, and to that last connection between the sister kingdom, so essential to the prosperity of both. In addressing himself to the commons, he particularly adverted to the principle, which they had so wisely established, of preventing the accumulation of the national debt, which he hoped had already appeared to them to have proved successful; and he doubted not but they would persevere in the wisdom of those measures, which in their operation promoted such beneficial effects. And, in order to sinooth the way for a favourite object of government, he recom mended a systematic improvement of the police, and took that occasion to call the attention of both houses to the frequent outrages, that had been committed in some parts of the kingdom. Addresses both to his majesty and the lord lieutenant were, as usual, voted and passed unanimously, though not without some severe questions and animadversions upon them by Mr. Flood and some other gentlemen of the opposition.*

In the course of these debates Mr. Forbes alluded to the industry of govern, ment since the recess in their endeavours to reconcile the people to the com

As the two grand objects, which government appeared the most anxious to carry in this session, were the revival or some modification of the commercial propositions, and the passing of a police bill, so was his majesty's answer to the *address of the commons immediately calculated to give countenance and sup port to both those measures. Pains had also been taken to exaggerate some rumours of disturbance and abuses in the country parts, which had worked so strongly upon the nerves of Mr. Ogle, that he declared in the House of Commons on the 6th of February, 1786, that he saw the utter ruin of the Protestant ascendancy in the affair of Mr. O'Connor and ten thousand other instances. This Mr. O'Connor was generally considered a madman. He pretended to be a descendant from the ancient kings of Connaught; he had lately taken it into his head to possess himself of the estates and demesnes, which his ances tors had enjoyed. For this purpose he had assembled a nummercial propositions, by pamphlets and other publications in favour of the measure. With reference to Mr. Orde's own pamphlet, he in reply gave the following account of it. He said, he hoped it would never be deemed derogatory to any man to account for his parliamentary conduct to his constituents: for himself, he had great pleasure in reflecting, that for twenty-five years he had maintained the most friendly correspondence with the city he had the honour to represent; and though when he had formed an opinion upon the full conviction of his own mind, he never would relinquish it for any man, yet he held it but right for a representative to assign his reason to his constituents, when he had the misfortune of differing from them, and if he could not persuade them to become of his opinion, at least to shew them, that he acted upon principle, and in a full belief, that he was doing right. Consonant to this rule, after the address of the Cork grand jury had been presented to him, he expressed his difference of opinion explicitly and decidedly. Complaints were made, that he had treated his constituents with disrespect, by not explaining his reasons; he felt the force of the observation, and thought himself called upon to assign his reasons. He did so in a letter to one of the magistrates, which the honourable gentleman had been pleased to dignify with the title of a pamphlet. 6 Parl. Deb. p. 12.

12 Com. Journ p. 35.

"GEORGE R.

"His majesty thanks his faithful commons for their loyal and " dutiful address, and receives with pleasure their professions of attachment "to his person, family, and government.

"The House of Commons may depend upon his majesty's warmest con"currence and support in all the great and important objects of their delibe"rations, and that he will be always ready to co-operate with them in any "measures tending to strengthen that lasting connection between the two "kingdoms, so essentially necessary to the prosperity and happiness of all "his majesty's subjects.

"His majesty observes, with much satisfaction, their design of attending to "regulations for the improvement of the credit, agriculture, and manufactures "of the kingdom, as well as to the security of public and private property, "and the protection of society; and agrees with them, that the encourage. "ment of industry, and the improvement of the education and morals of his "people, are among the first objects worthy of the care and attention of the "House of Commons of Ireland.

"G. R."