"jesty, to exercise and administer according to the laws and "constitution of this kingdom, all regal powers, jurisdiction, "and prerogatives to the crown and government thereof be "longing."

On the next day (17th) a message was received by the commons from the lords, that they had concurred with the commons in their address with the amendment, which the attorneygeneral endeavoured to convert to the purpose of delay, by proposing a conference upon it with the lords, and even by objecting to some grammatical inaccuracies in the wording of the amendment. It was however insisted upon by Mr. Ponsonby and others, that as the lords had agreed to the address upon the same principles as the commons, no delay should be permitted; the question therefore having been put upon the lords amendment, it was carried unanimously. On the 19th both houses waited upon the lord lieutenant with their address, and requested him to transmit it to his royal highness. With this request his excellency refused to comply; returning for answer, that under the impressions he felt of his official duty, and of the oath he had taken, he did not consider himself warranted to lay before the prince an address, purporting to invest his royal highness with powers to take upon him the government of that realm, before he should be enabled by law so to do; and therefore was obliged to decline transmitting their address to Great Britain.

Upon the return of the commons to their own house, and the answer of the lord lieutenant being reported to them, Mr. Grattan observed, that in a case so extremely new, it would be highly improper to proceed with hurry or precipitation; the house was called upon to act with dignity, firmness, and decision; and therefore, that due time might be had for deliberation, he would move the question of adjournment; which was put and carried without opposition.

On the day following Mr. Fitzherbert moved, that the lord lieutenant's answer should be entered on the journals.

Mr. Grattan said, he was satisfied to let the answer be entered on the journals, in order to make way for some resolutions, which he intended to propose, as necessary to carry the inten tion of the two houses into effect, and as a vindication of their honour and constitutional conduct.

The answer being entered on the journals, Mr. Grattan moved," that his excellency the lord lieutenant having thought proper to decline to transmit to his Royal Highness George "Prince of Wales, the address of both houses of parliament, a "competent number of members be appointed by this house, "to present the said address to his royal highness."

*This motion brought on a very warm debate, in which the attorney-general travelled again over the whole of his ground, but with no more effect than before: Mr. Grattan's motion was carried by a majority of 130 against 74.

Then Mr. Grattan moved," that Mr. Conolly should attend "the lords with the said resolution, and acquaint them, that the "commons requested them to appoint members of their own "body to join with the members of the commons in presenting "the said address."

This also passed without any division; and Mr. Conolly went up to the lords accordingly.

The message received in reply was, that the lords had concurred in the resolution of the commons, and had appointed his Grace the Duke of Leinster and the Earl of Charlemont to join with such members as the commons should appoint to present the address of both houses to his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

Mr. Grattan then moved, "that the Right Honourable Tho"mas Conolly, the Right Honourable J. O'Neil, the Right "Honourable W. B. Ponsonby, and J. Stewart, Esq. should "be appointed commissioners on the part of the commons for "the purpose of presenting the address to his Royal Highness "the Prince of Wales," and they were appointed unanimously.

These motions having passed, Mr. Grattan then moved, "that the two houses of parliament had discharged an indis66 pensable duty, in providing for the third estate of the Irish "constitution (rendered incomplete through the king's incapa 66 city) by appointing the Prince of Wales regent of Ireland..

Mr. Grattan afterwards moved, "that it be resolved, that "his excellency the lord lieutenant's answer to both houses of "parliament, requesting him to transmit their address to his "Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, is ill advised, contains

an unwarrantable and unconstitutional censure on the pro"ceedings of both houses of parliament, and attempts to ques "tion the undoubted rights and privileges of the lords spiritual "and temporal and commons of Ireland." To which Sir Frederick Flood, though he had voted for the address, objected, believing that whilst his excellency acted erroneously, he still acted up to the best of his judgment: and the attorneygeneral moved the following amendment," although that house "could not know the impressions of official duty, nor the obligation of the oath under which his exellency felt himself "obliged to act, and although his Royal highness the Prince of

*9 Par. Deb. p. 128. On this occasion Mr. Grattan would not speak, alleging after a division, that it was a time for acting, not speaking, 153. A list of the majority and minority may be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXI.

"Wales were not yet invested with the powers of regent in "Great Britain." On the division, 78 were for Mr. Fitzgib bon's amendment, and 119 against it.

The motion was opposed principally on the ground of its being considered as the foundation of a vote of censure on the lord lieutenant; and after a long debate, the house divided; for the question 130, against it 71.

Captain Burgh also proposed as an amendment, to add the following words to the original resolution," inasmuch as the "said lords and commons had proceeded to appoint his royal "highness, &c. illegally and unconstitutionally," which amendment was negatived without a division.

On the 25th Mr. Monk Mason reported from the committee of supply, that on the 25th of March, 1788, the debt of the nation was 2,240,204l. 14s. 8d.; and when the resolution was read, that provided for the national debt, the annuities, and establishments, Mr. Grattan moved an amendment by inserting the words "two months, ending on the 25th of May, 1789." Upon this occasion, Mr. Brownlow, observed (as the fact was) that he was no party man, neither had he any ends to answer contrary to the welfare of the country, yet he thought it right to proceed with caution: and as it had been shewn that they had not time to investigate the accounts, that, in his mind, was sufficient ground for the amendment.

The lord lieutenant had thought proper to refuse transmitting the address of the two houses to the Prince of Wales; this had given cause for some difference and animadversion between his excellency and the two houses; the truth was, his excellency was at variance with the two houses, and it behoved them to take care of themselves. He should never forget the affair of Lord Townshend, who prorogued the parliament, and protested against their proceedings, for the commons exercising a right of originating bills of supply; a right in which lay the very essence of all their privileges. What Lord Townshend had done, Lord Buckingham might do, if they passed the supply for a year; nay he might, and perhaps would dissolve them, and then how could they look at their constituents, who would naturally say, you have deserved all this; for when we put our purse in your hands, you very foolishly let go the strings.

Mr. Griffith considered the two houses committed against, and in a state of warfare with the chief governor, and he could expect nothing less than a dissolution of parliament if the supplies were once granted for a year.

The attorney-general admitted, that (Mr. Brownlow) had fairly and openly avowed his reason for supporting a short money bill; it was to hinder the lord lieutenant from exercis

ing an undoubted right of proroguing or dissolving parliament. He recollected the event referred to by the right honourable gentleman. He recollected Lord Townshend's proroguing the parliament; and he recollected when next they met, they voted him an address of thanks, which address cost the nation half a million of money. He hoped to God he should never again see such effects from party. He hoped to God he should never again see half a million of the people's money employed to procure an address from their representatives; he had ever endeavoured to defend the people, and ever should oppose measures, which might lead to an address that would cost them half a million.*

This debate upon Mr. Grattan's motion for a short money bill, most intimately affects a point of modern Irish history beyond any other necessary for the annalist to ascertain. No man can be ignorant of the loud and frequent clamour that has been raised, particularly within these last 20 years, against the corruption and venality of the Irish government and parliament, to the account of which, many have laid an uniform system of oppression, coercion, and cruelty that have occasioned, rather than checked the late outrages and calamities of the nation. Whilst others have founded the necessity of union in the incorrigible inveteracy of these very evils. It will be impossible to form a right judgment upon this leading point, until certain facts are admitted or disproved. The author's duty is to supply his reader with the best evidence the nature of the case admits of. The singular coincidence of a falling and rising power acting at one time upon a body of 300 men, at no time famed for rigid inflexibility of principle, a majority made up chiefly of deserters from habits of ease and conveniency, to a promising standard of lucrative principle, a race of ingratitude for past and avidity for future favours, certainly produced an unprecedented opportunity for extracting truths, which might otherwise have lain for centuries smothered under the concordatum of interest, secrecy and combination. The Irish parliamentary debates taken, collected, and arranged by Mr. Giffard, are the chief resource a stranger has for matter upon the latter history of Ireland from the year 1781. If any bias can be supposed to have affected his pen, it will be concluded to have been on the part of government. This gentleman in the outset of volunteering was so conspicuously prominent in the cause of freedom, as to have attracted the notice and acquir ed the confidence, esteem, and intimacy of the Duke of Leinster: at that time his family was larger than his means, and the favours of his grace were more flattering than lucrative. His talents which were above mediocrity were noticed by government, and he was engaged at a handsome salary to report for the castle, and upon trial of his ability and fidelity to his employers was rewarded by a place in the customs. We have before remarked, that Lord Townshend had, at a very heavy expence to the nation, broken up an aristocracy, that before his time had monopolized the whole power of the commons and regularly bargained for terms with every new lieutenant for managing the House of Commons. Mr. Fitzgibbon (and no man knew better), now admitted, that this manœuvre cost the nation upwards of half a million: that is, that he had paid or granted so much to purchase that majority in parliament, by which he governed to the end of his administration. We further learn from Mr. Giffard's report of this debate, that Mr. Bushe observed, from what his right honourable friend (Mr. Fitzgibbon), had said, he almost imagined he intended to vote on the other side: for when he had said, that one prorogation and address had cost the nation half a million, he did not suppose he would run the risk of another. That prorogation had taken place for want of a short money-bill, which was the best reason against granting a long one on the present occasion: and as that prorogation cost half a million, as every article had

The committee of the two houses of parliament arrived in London on the 25th of February, 1789, and the day following presented their address to the Prince of Wales at Carltonhouse. As the convalescent state of his majesty's health was at that time apparent, his royal highness, after returning his warmest thanks for the address, and expressing the satisfaction he received from the proof it afforded of their loyal and affec tionate attachment to the person and government of the king, acquainted them with the fortunate change that had taken place. Within a few days, he hoped, that the joyful event of his majes ty's resuming his government, would enable him to give them a final answer, and make it only necessary for him to repeat those sentiments of gratitude and affection to the loyal and generous people of Ireland, which he felt indelibly imprinted on his heart.*

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risen, perhaps it would not be unreasonable to suppose a prorogation at the present day might cost a whole million, which expence night be cut off by a short money-bill. It is to be observed, that Mr. Bushe had some time before quitted the ranks of patriotism, and accepted a place under government. I find in another report of this debate, "that Mr. George Ponsonby rose to express his indignation at the idea of placing parliament in the power of the "viceroy: he said, that it had already been stated, that a similar measure had, "on a former occasion, lost that country half a million of money, by which a "corrupt parliament had been laid prostrate at the feet of the viceroy. Were "they that House of Commons? Would half a million, or a whole million, "tempt them to swerve from the duty to their country," (Dublin Evening Packet, 25th February, 1789). Of this avowal, er boast, or taunt, or threat of parliamentary venality from the mouth of the attorney-general, we have this further evidence from Mr. Grattan, (in his answer to Lord Clare's speech, Dub. 1800. p. 18). Half a million, or more, was expended some years ago to "break an opposition; the same, or a greater sum may be necessary now: so "said the principal servant of the crown. The house heard him: I heard “him: he said it standing on his legs to an astonished and an indignant nation ; " and he said it in the most extensive sense of bribery and corruption. The "threat was proceeded on; the peerage was sold; the caitiffs of corruption "were every where; in the lobby, in the street, on the steps, and at the door of "every parliamentary leader, whose thresholds were worn by the members of "the then administration, offering titles to some, amnesty to others, and corrup"tion to all."

The following was the answer of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales.

"MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

"The address from the lords spiritual and temporal, and "commons of Ireland, which you have presented to me, demands my warmest "and earliest thanks. If any thing could add to the esteem and affection I "have for the people of Ireland, it would be the loyal and affectionate attach"ment to the person and government of the king, my father, manifested in the "address of the two houses.

"What they have done, and their manner of doing it, is a new proof of "their undiminished duty to his majesty, of their uniform attachment to "the house of Brunswick, and their constant attention to maintain inviolate "the concord and connection between the kingdoms of Great Britain and "Ireland, so indispensably necessary to the prosperity, the happiness, and the "liberties of both.