On the 24th of February, his majesty's disorder had taken so favourable a turn, that the chancellor informed the British House of Peers, that he had on that day attended his majesty by his express command, and had found him perfectly recovered. On the 2d of March, the speaker of the House of Commons in Ireland communicated to the house the letter which he had received from the delegates, with the Prince's answer to their address, which were ordered to be entered on the journals. The happy turn in his majesty's health worked a very happy change in the marshalling of the House of Commons. As the late gloomy prospect of a change in the Irish administration, had driven many gentlemen to the opposition benches, Mr. Grattan was willing to avail himself of the earliest fruits of their conversion: accordingly, on the 3d of March, 1789, he offered to the house a resolution which he thought absolutely necessary, from a transaction that had lately taken place. He thought it necessary to call the'attention of the house to certain principles, which the gentlemen, with whom he had generally the honour to coincide, considered as the indispensable condition, without which no government could expect their support, and which the present government had resisted.

The first was a reform of the police: at present the institution could only be considered as a scheme of patronage to the Castle, and corruption to the city; a scheme which had failed to answer the end of preserving public peace, but had fully succeeded in extending the influence of the Castle.*

It had been thrown out on a former occasion, when he had intimated his intention of reforming the police, that the bill to be proposed would be as bad as that at present existing; but that assertion was not founded in truth. The bill, which he

"If, in conveying my grateful sentiments on their conduct, in relation to the king, my father, and to the inseparable interest of the two kingdoms, I find "it impossible to express adequately my feelings on what relates to myself, I "trust you will not be the less disposed to believe, that I have an understand"ing to comprehend the value of what they have done, a heart that must re"member, and principles that will not suffer me to abuse their confidence.

"But the fortunate change which has taken place in the circumstance, which gave occasion to the address agreed to by the lords and commons of Ireland, "induces me to delay, for a few days, giving a final answer; trusting, that the 'joyful event of his majesty's resuming the personal exercise of his royal authority, may then render it only necessary for me to repeat those sentiments "of gratitude and affection to the loyal and generous people of Ireland, which feel indelibly imprinted on my heart."

་་

In this debate, Mr. Curran, perceiving that the opposite side of the house regained their spirits and deserters, complimented the prime serjeant on the recovery of his tongue: what the distress and depression of his friend and pa tron had not been able to produce, his return to prosperity had effected: the learned member was no longer tongue tied: mute during his disgrace, he was clamorous on his elevation. 9 Parl. Debates, p. 265.

would introduce, was intended to rescue the corporation of the city out of the court, and to make them responsible to the public for their conduct; to restore the peace and liberty of the city; and to guard against any abuse of power in those, to whom the guardianship of that peace and liberty should be committed. This bill had in the last session been stated as necessary, but had been resisted by Lord Buckingham's government; but it should now be soon introduced.

Another principle much desired, was to restrain the abuse of pensions by a bill similar to that of Great Britain. That principle, he said, Lord Buckingham had resisted, and his resistance to it was one great cause of his opposing his government. To this hewould add another principle, the restraining revenue officers from voting at elections: this, he observed, was a principle of the British parliament, and it was certainly more necessary in Ireland, from what had lately taken place, where, by a certain union of family interests, countries had become boroughs, and those boroughs had become private property.

But the principle to which he begged to call the immediate attention of the house was, that of preventing the great offices of the state from being given to absentees: that was a principle admitted by all to be founded in national right, purchased by li beral compensation, and every departure from it must be considered as a slight to the nobility and gentry of Ireland, who certainly were better entitled to the places of honour and trust in their own country, than any absentee could possibly be; but besides the slight shewn to the nobility and gentry of Ireland, by bestowing places of honour, of profit, and of trust on absentees, the draft of money from this country, the institution of deputies (a second establishment unnecessary, were the principals to reside), the double influence arising from this raised the abuse into an enormous grievance.

He said, after the nation had recovered its liberty, one of the first objects was to bring home the great offices of the state: these had been taken away in an unjust manner, and in violation of native right, when the country was under oppression. He did not mean to enter into a question, whether too much was paid for bringing home great employments; he would not dispute the price, as it was the purchase of a principle; but the principle being once established, that it was wise and honoura ble in the nation to purchase home the great offices of the state: and this having been actually reduced to practice in instances of the chancellorship of the exchequer, the vice-treasurership, the clerk of the crown and hanaper, &c. it followed as a necessary consequence, that the granting away again great places to absentees, must be highly improper, and a gross violation of the principle purchased by the nation.

He then adverted to the reversionary patent granted to Mr. Grenville. Of that gentleman's merits in his own country he would say nothing; there could be no reason for granting him a great employment in Ireland, where it was most certain he never would reside; and therefore in condemning the grant, no one had a right to argue, that it was condemned as a grant to the lord-lieutenant's brother, but as a grant to a person that must necessarily be an absentee; it must be condemned as a slight, and an affront to the native resident nobility and gentry of Ireland.

He asked the house, were they ready to submit to such an insult? Were they ready to submit to have the principle, which they had purchased violated? Were they ready to return to that state of degradation and contempt, from which the spirit of the nation had so lately emancipated itself? If they were not, they would not hesitate to come to a resolution, asserting the principles, which they had purchased. He would submit such a resolution, worded in the most guarded manner, not attacking the prerogative of the crown to grant, but condemning the advice, by which the crown was misled to abuse that prerogative. He then moved the following resolution:

"Resolved, That recommendations for the purpose of grant"ing the great offices of this kingdom, or the reversion of great "offices to absentees, are improvident and prejudicial, especially "now as great annual charges have been incurred by making compensation to absentees for resigning their offices, that "those offices might be granted to residents."

After a very violent personal altercation between Mr. Parsons and Mr. Grattan, the latter gentleman resumed his argu

* Scarcely had Mr. Grattan concluded his speech, than Mr. Parsons rose to speak; when he was interrupted by Mr. Grattan, who said, that if the honourable gentleman rose to second his motion, he would withdraw it. Upon which Mr. Parsons instantly launched out into a most infuriated Philippic against Mr. Grattan, and his whole political conduct. To this Mr. Grattan made the following reply: 9 Parl. Debates, p. 257.

"Sir, the speech of the honourable member has been so disorderly and ex"traordinary, that the house will permit me to make an immediate reply. He "talks of simple repeal, he does not understand that question; he does not "know whether that measure was right or wrong. He speaks of renuncia"tion; of that he is equally ignorant. The merits or demerits of either ques“tion, or of both questions, surpass his capacity. He has arraigned my con"duct, but his observations are as feeble as they are virulent. The member "is a melancholy proof, that a man may be scurrilous, who has not capacity to He speaks of the public grant of 50,000.; and he says, I got "that for bungling, what the patentee was so fortunate to complete. He says so, but why he should say so, or on what grounds he talks, he is totally unable "to explain; he repeats a sentence which he has heard, but the force or mean"ing, or foundation for the sentence, the member cannot set forth; the jingle "of a period touches his ear; and he repeats it, and he knows not why. The calumny urged against me by the member, is not his own. (Dublin Even. "Packet.) Mr. Higgins has said it better than the honourable gentleman; the

"be severe.

ment and said, that giving away the great offices of this kingdom to absentees, was taking away the property of this country, and

Freeman's Journal has stated it better, and with much more ingenuity than "the honourable gentleman: but Mr. Higgins is a liar; the Freeman's Jour"nal is a liar; it is not unparliamentary to say, that the authority from which "the gentleman draws his argument, is a liar, a public pitiful liar! He said, "he did not mean that the honourable gentleman was a liar, but that the paper from which he had borrowed his authority, was a liar, a positive liar!" Here Mr. Parsons rose and stepped towards Mr. Grattan, made use of some words, which, for the honour of parliament, are not repeated. Mr. Grattan sat down. The house immediately called out, "custody! custody!" and the speaker ordered the galeries to be cleared: it was near two hours before order was completely restored.

The character of this Mr. Higgins, who died last year possessed of a for tune of about 40,000/. is highly illustrative of the system, which generated, fostered and pampered this species of reptile more frequently known in Ireland, than elsewhere: ex uno disce plures.

His mas

This man was known by the appellation of the Sham Esquire: he was a singular instance of what may be done in life by strict attention to private ends, without regard to the means, which so often retard the advancement of men of principle. Born of obscure parents, he rose through the successive stations of errand-boy, shoe-black, and waiter in a porter's house, to an attorney's clerk, in which situation his talents were not confined to the desk. ter's pleasures found an attentive minister in him, and he found additional profits in his master's pleasures He soon began to look for money and connections, and fixed his mind on the daughter of a very respectable and opulent citizen in Dublin, who was a Catholic: be procured an introduction to the family through a priest, whom he deceived, in declaring himself the only son of a gentleman of 30007. a year; the nephew of a counsellor, and a member of the Irish parliament, whose presumptive heir, as having no children, he also

was.

The

He feigned a wish to conform to the Catholic religion, in which he had been christened, though educated a Protestant, thinking thereby to ingratiate himself with the family, and was received into the Catholic church. imposture was soon detected, and Mr. Higgins confined to gaol, where Le improved the only real knowledge he ever possessed, which was the lowest art of crown law. He afterwards became an attorney. He then attended gaming tabels and brothels. He drew great advantages by lending money to the unfortunate adventurers, and managing to defend or keep off prosecutions from the infamous supporters of those receptacles of iniquity. In his speculations towards advancement, he considered the command of a newspaper as an essential weapon both offensive and defensive. To attain this very necessary article, he insinuated himself into the acquaintance and confidence of the proprietor of a print, then in some degree of estimation, the Freeman's Journal. This gentleman was in very embarrassed circumstances. Mr. Higgins lent him 501. and watching his opportunity when he thought his distress at the height, suddenly arrested him for the money: to procure his liberty, he was glad to transfer to his creditors the property of the paper for one fourth of its value.

This paper had hitherto been prominently conspicuous on the patriotic side of the question, and was therefore the more saleable a commodity in the hands of this new proprietor. He made his terms with the castle; and from that time forward his paper was the most subservient to, and therefore the most favoured by the minister. This man had the address, by coarse flattery and assumed arrogance, to worm himself into the intimacy of several persons of rank, fortune, and consequence in the country, who demeaned themselves by their obsequiousness to his art, or sold themselves to him for his unqualified enterprise in maligning their enemies, or bearing them at of difficulties or disgrace. This man, ready for every job for which he should be paid, under some natural suspicions that the return of the Marquis of Buckingham to

carrying it abroad. He asked, what claim had Mr. Orde for the pension of seventeen hundred pounds a year he had got on this establishment? What claim could any secretary have for either pension or employment? If the principle be admitted, that the giving away offices to absentees is injurious to the kingdom, then his motion could not be resisted.

The attorney general said, he should be extremely glad to see the whole patronage of the crown in Ireland bestowed upon the members of both houses of parliament, and he had no doubt if things went on a little longer in the train, in which for some time they had been, that object would be obtained.

A very warm debate ensued, in which Mr. Corry and some other gentlemen admitted the principle of the resolution, although they opposed its passing, because it was a censure on the Marquis of Buckingham. To get rid of the question, an adjournment was moved and carried by a majority of 115 against 106. Thus early had the old majority began to fall back into their former ranks. Still the superiority of votes bore no proportion to 200 and upwards, of which the former full majorities consisted. Mr. Grattan accordingly on the following day (4th of March) moved for leave to bring in a bill for the better securing the freedom of election for members to serve in parliament, by disabling certain officers employed in the collection or management of his majesty's revenue from giving their votes at such election. Mr. Beresford gave immediate notice, that he should oppose the bill through every stage, though he would not oppose the motion: and on the second reading of the bill the attorney general spoke thus:*"Sir, I say, that at this time "such an act would be peculiarly ungracious: and there is "another reason why I will not enter into a measure which pro

assume the vice-regency of Ireland would not be attended by any particular demonstrations of joy, had hired a mob to wait his arrival, and had supplied a proper number of them with silken cords and harness to draw him in his carriage to the Castle, under the fastidious deceit of mercenary popularity and triumph. The opinion of Lord Chief Baron Yelverton upon this notorious character, seals the stamp of it to posterity. In Easter term, upon counsel having reminded his lordship in court, that the printer of the Freeman's Journal awaited the judgment of the court for a libellous paragraph on that court: the chief baron spoke thus to the counsel.

"If you had not mentioned the affair, the court would not have condescend"ed to recollect its insignificance, but would have passed it by as it has done every other paragraph, whether of praise or censure, that has appeared "in that paper with the most supreme contempt. Let the fellow return to his "master's employment; let lus master exalt favourite characters; and if "there be any mean enough to take pleasure in his adulation, let him con"tinue to spit his venom against every thing that is praise-worthy, honourable, or dignified in human nature. Let him not presume to meddie with the "courts of justice, lest, forgetting his baseness and insignificance, they should at some time condescend to inflict a merited punishment upon him." *9 Gif. Parl. Deb. p. 278.