ment, and was vehemently supported by a majority of 132, against 78; and the report at the motion of the attorney-general was rejected. The house having by this time been nearly marshalled into their former ranks, Mr. Grattan thought it useless to divide them on the second reading of the place bill, on the 30th of April; it was negatived without a division. The only subject particularly interesting to the history of Ireland, which came before parliament during the remainder of that session, was the subject of tithes: Mr. Grattan having presented to the house according to order, a bill to appoint commissioners for the purpose of enquiring into the state of tithes in the different provinces of that kingdom, and to report a plan for ascertaining the same: he followed up his motion with a very elabo rate, instructive, and eloquent speech† upon this important national object. The house adjourned from the 8th to the 25th of May, on which day the lord lieutenant prorogued the parliament, and made a speech of a general nature, without a word of reference to any of the extraordinary circumstances of the session.

Certain it is, that no viceroy ever enjoyed a smaller share of popularity in Ireland, than the Marquis of Buckingham. Either the natural reserve or the hauteur of his character made him personally disrelished, even by his friends and supporters. In order to raise an appearance at least of popularity, his creatures procured (not without some difficulty) an address from the county of Westmeath, in which the bulk of his lady's property lay, and which superabounds with the name of Nugent. The example, however, was not followed up by other counties. The restoration of his majesty's health instantly brought back a majority of the late deserters to their ranks. But the viceroy's refusal to transmit the address of parliament was indignantly resented by those members of any independence or principle, who had joined in it. A most determined opposition was the consequence. The imperious mind of the viceroy once more triumphant in the return of his numbers to their posts, was still exasperated that the great popular leaders, chiefs of the clans and possessors of the natural interest of the country were restive to his dictates, and knit by a common principle into a closer and more formida

9 Par. Deb. p. 424. When this debate was over and the division settled, Mr. Conolly said the gentlemen were perfectly consistent, in supporting a ruincus and expensive system of patronage, that they themselves had instituted, and that they were also consistent in now endeavouring to stigmatize the men, who had brought their dark, corrupt, system to light; men, who for honour, probity, and integrity, could not be excelled in his majesty's dominions. But he desired gentlemen not to exult; their exultation would be but of a short duration, as the law complained of must, from its enormity, ere long fall to the ground.

It may be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXIII. 9 Par. Deb. p. 464.

ble opposition, than he had hitherto experienced. His excel lency lamented, that in spite of his avowed principles of œconomy, he was now compelled to resort to Lord Townshend's ruinous system of purchasing votes by retail, in order to break through this new combination of an Irish aristocracy. No bounds, no reserve, no decency, were kept in this new canvass for parliamentary influence: the market became overt, and the prices of boroughs, and pieces of boroughs, of votes and titles, and peerages were brought to as regular a standard, as bullion at the mint. Not a peerage, not an honour, not a place, not a pension was disposed of but immediately by government for parliamentary interest, influence, or engagements, varying by gradation from the price of a close borough to a vote upon a single question. Every place, office or emolument, that could be resumed by government, were granted out upon new terms for future services. The Duke of Leinster, Mr. G. Ponsonby, Mr. Fitzherbert and every person holding place, office, or pension at pleasure, were displaced or deprived for having joined in the address to the Prince of Wales. A creation of eight peerages took place, and numerous new appointments were made. It was objected to the Marquis of Buckingham's administration, that notwithstanding his boasted professions of œconomizing for the nation, he had encreased the pension list by 5000l. per annum, that by his splitting places, reviving dormant unnecessary employments, and encreasing salaries, he had burthened the nation with the additional perpetuity of 28001. per annum, and had chiefly selected his own family connections and other strangers, some of low and mean degree, for the objects of his bounty, to the exclusion of well meaning and well qualified natives. Most certain it is, that the Marquis of Buckingham generally disliked the Irish, and was disliked by them.

The leaders of opposition had found it advisable, as has been observed, in order to consolidate their force into a common centre of union, to establish a new political society under the denomination of the Whig Club: an institution highly obnox ious to the castle: they adopted the same principles, were clad in the same uniform of blue and buff, and professedly acted in concert with the Whig Club of England. At the head of this club were the Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Charlemont, Mr. Conolly, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Forbes, both the Messieurs Ponsonby, Mr. Curran, and a number of leading members of opposition in both houses. It was a rendezvous and round of cabinet dinners for the opposition. Here were planned and arranged all the measures for attack on the ministry. Each member had his measure or his question in turn: the plans of debate and manoeuvre were preconcerted, and to each was

assigned that share of the attack he was most competent to maintain. This club aided by the assistance of some of the popular newspapers, continued to announce its days of dining, to proclaim its sentiments in the shape of resolutions, or announce them obliquely in the shape of anonymous paragraphs. Their speeches generally retailed with point, virulence and acrimony, always turned upon the prolific chapter of government and parliamentary abuses, were calculated to work upon the pas sions more than to guide the sober reason of the multitude.*

It has of late years unfortunately been so prevailing a rage on both sides of the leading political questions, to attribute to their antagonists false motives, views, and grounds for their conduct, that the historian, who supports the principles of either, will be naturally discredited by those readers, who happen to differ from him in opinion: it is not his duty to adjudge the conduct of the actors in those scenes, which he has undertaken to retail and faithfully to represent. The late Earl of Clare in his speech for the union (p. 59) has left the following portrait ofthe Whig Club of Ireland.

"The better to effectuate

the great national objects of a limitation of the pension list, an exclusion " of pensioners from the House of Commons, a restriction of placemen, who "should sit there, and a responsibility for the receipt and issue of the public "treasury, a Whig Club was announced in a manifesto, signed and countersigned, charging the British government, as James I. has since been charged, "with a deliberate and systematic intention of sapping the liberties, and "subverting the parliament of Ireland. All persons of congenial character "and sentiment were invited to range under the Whig banner, for the estab"lishment and protection of the Irish constitution, on the model of the "Revolution 1688; and under this banner was ranged such a motley collection of congenial characters, as never before were assembled for the reformation "of the state. Mr. Napper Tandy was received by acclamation, as a states“ man too important and illustrious to be committed to the hazard of a ballot, "Mr. Hamilton Rowan also repaired to the Whig banner. Unfortu "nately, the political career of these gentlemen has been arrested; Mr. Tandy's by attainder of felony, and an attainder of treason; Mr. Hamilton "Rowan's by an attainder of treason. The Whig secretary, if he does not "stand in the same predicament, is now a prisoner at the mercy of the crown, " on his own admission of his treasons; and if I do not mistake, the whole "society of Irish Whigs have been admitted, ad eundem, by their Whig "brethren of England. In the fury of political resentment, some noblemen " and gentlemen of the first rank in this country stooped to associate with the "refuse of the community, men whose, principies they thus held in abhor. rence, and whose manners and deportment must always have excited their disgust."

Mr. Grattan has left the following sketch of it. "The work complains of "the Whig Club. The minister was the author of it. His doctrines and his "half million were the authors of it. But clubs of this kind are only pre"served by violence. That violence did happen. An attack was made on "the rights of the city, a doctrine was promulgated, that the common council "had no right to put a negative on the lord mayor, chosen by the board of alder"men, except the board itself should assent to the negative put on its own "choice, this doctrine was advanced by the court, to secure the election of the "mavor to itself; in the course of the contest, a minister involved himself in a personal altercation with the citizens: with Mr. Tandy, he had carried on a "long war, and with various success; he was now involved in an altercation "more general, in the compass of his wrath, he paid his compliments to "the Whig Club, and that club advanced the shield of a free people over "the rights of the city, and humbled a minister in the presence of those citizens, whose privileges he had invaded, and whose persons he had calum. "niated."

Such in truth has generally been the system of taking an ungenerous advantage of the Irish character. A people of quick impulse, ardent sympathy, and inconsiderate resolution, was always ready to anticipate rather than check any plan, that sum moned their action or intrepidity.

The public thanksgiving for the king's recovery was attended with every solemnity, that the nature of the case would admit, on the 23d of April, 1789, in the cathedral of Christ's Church: and on different days, particular services were performed, in every church and chapel throughout the nation. A most solemn high mass was performed, with a new grand Te Deum, composed on the occasion by the celebrated Giordani, in the Roman Catholic chapel of Francis-street. And as a happy instance of the increasing liberality of the times, several of the first Protestant nobility and gentry assisted at it.* On the 5th of May, a most superb gala was given at the castle in commemoration of the happy recovery of his majesty: but none of those gentlemen were invited to partake of it, who had voted

The contest between the minister and Mr. Tandy, to which Mr. Grattan referred, was as flows: Mr. Tandy at the head of a party of the common council, opposed the election of one Alderman James to this office of lord mayor for the ensuing year, though the choice were almost a matter of course in the order, if not magistrates seniority. Mr. Tandy's opposition was founded upon a charge of his being the slave and creature of the castle. After a long contest which lasted all night, Mr. Tandy succeeded in the rejection of Alderman James, and in the choice of Alderman Howison in his room. This produced an ap peal to the lord lieutenant and privy council, to whose ultimate approbation the choice of the chief magistrate was subject. Lord Fitzgibbon (then lately promoted to the seals) presided as chancelior. Mr. Tandy and his chosen alderman attended, with Messrs. Ponsonby and Curran, as their council. Alderman James had the Recorder and Dr. Duignan. The matter was solemn ly argued. The council chamber was thrown open as a public court, and extremely crowded with citizens. Several personal asperitics passed between the chancellor and Mr. Curran: and some coarse satire was attempted by Dr. Duignan against the scowling eyes, and haggard looks, sallow complexion, and factious principles of Mr. Tandy. The castle looking upon Alderman James as the victim of their cause, strongly espoused his interest: but the law laid down by Mr. Ponsonby, was so clearly decisive, that all that was attempted, was to send the parties back to a new election, which was again decided in favour of Alderman Howison, which was finally confirmed by the lord lieute nant in council. This event gave triumph and exultation to Mr. Tandy as a patriot, a second Lucas, and he afterwards commanded a strong influence in the common council.

The Catholics, who had received more favours from his present gracious majesty, than from all his predecessors collectively, since Henry II. were gratefully sensible of the favour of God in restoring the health of their beloved Sovereign, and were prominently conspicuous in returning their solemn thanks to the Deity So illustrious an assemblage had never met in a Catholic place of worship in that kingdom since the reformation. Besides the principal part of their own nobility and gentry, there were present on the occasion the Duke of Leinster, the Earls and Countesses of Belvedere, Arran and Portarlington, Countesses of Carhampton and Ely, Lords Tyrone, Valentia and Delvin, Mr. D. La Touche and family, Mr. Grattan, Major Doyle, Mrs. Jeffries, Mrs. Trant, and several other persons of the first distinction.

for the address. A marked sign of reprobation was put on their heads and so strongly was the spirit of party kept up, that in the list of toasts drank after dinner at the castle, the Prince of Wales and Duke of York were purposely omitted.* The extraordinary zeal and exertions of the attorney-general on this late as well as former occasions in support of government, were rewarded with the great seal of Ireland, which had become vacant by the death of Lord Lifford: and he became the first Irish chancellor appointed by England.

The Marquis of Buckingham was little satisfied with his situation in Ireland; for although he had regained a majority in parliament, he never more experienced any share of that popularity, which was sincerely shewn to him on his first acceptance of the viceroyalty in Lord Shelburne's administration: the spirit of party ran so high, and the chief governor grew daily so unpopular, that to avoid personal outrage, in the nonth of June he secretly took shipping* for England, and never more returned to Ireland. On the 30th of June, 1789, the new chancellor Lord Fitzgibbon and Mr. Foster the speaker were sworn in lords justices. After so much party difference and dissension in the capital, it was not to be expected, that the peace and tranquillity of the provinces should be encreased. The wretch

* Immediately after the health of the king and queen had been drank, that of Mr. Pitt, as the friend of Ireland, was given with three times three. These minute circumstances are noticed, because in Ireland no small importance is annexed to such festive ceremonials, as it has been observed, 1 vol. p. 310. The system of creating disunion amongst the different branches of the royal family, was not confined to Ireland. England gave the example. Even the unfortunate affair between the Duke of York and Colonel Lenox afforded fresh matter for family jealousy and difference. The delay of introducing his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence into the House of Lords arose from that execrable spirit of disunion. That young prince, who graced his exalted rank by a close attention to his professional duties, superadded to his native and acquired endowments, a characteristical warmth of family affection and domestic sympathy. It was proposed that his royal highness should be introduced to the House of Lords by the Duke of Richmond. He modestly and naturally observed, that he had two brothers in the house. It was notwithstanding urged, that he must be introduced by the Dukes of Richmond and Chandos. His royal highness finding his two brothers proscribed replied, that he had two uncles in the house, by whom he wished to be introduced: this was not admissible: the Duke of Richmond was still insisted upon, and his royal highness declined the ceremony, tili a sort of compromise was agreed to by substituting the Duke of Montague for the Duke of Richmond.

To these marked attempts at mortifying and humiliating the Prince of Wales, Mr. Grattan alluded in a speech upon this viceroy's administration in the following words, (10 Par. Deb. 16.) "Some of those members having "committed in Ireland excesses far beyond those which falsehood presumed "to prophesy, to disparage the second personage in these dominions."

His excellency took shipping from Mr. Lee's elegant villa at the Black Rock. It was observed by Mr. Charles O'Neale, in a debate, 10 P. D. p. 118, ̧ that if he had not taken a back-stairs departure from that kingdom, he would in all probability have been greeted on his retreat in a very different manner from what he had been on his arrival in Ireland.