upon every act of the late viceroy, he summed up his charges in the following impressive manner.* "Such has been the "conduct of your reformer. This was the man; you re"member his entry into the capital, trampling on the hearse of “the Duke of Rutland, and seated in a triumphal car, drawn "by public credulity; on one side fallacious hope, and on the "other many-mouthed profession; a figure with two faces, one "turned to the treasury, and the other presented to the peo"ple; and with a double tongue, speaking contradictory lan66 guages.

"This minister alights; justice looks up to him with empty "hopes, and peculation faints with idle alarms; he finds the "city a prey to an unconstitutional police; he continues it; he "finds the country overburthened with a shameful pension list; " he increases it; he finds the House of Commons swarming "with placemen; he multiplies them; he finds the salary of the secretary increase to prevent a pension; he grants a pension; "he finds the kingdom drained by absentee employments, and by "compensations to buy them home; he gives the best reversion "in the country to an absentee, his brother! He finds the go"vernment at different times had disgraced itself by creating "sinecures, to gratify corrupt affection; he makes two com"missioners of the rolls, and gives one of them to another bro"ther; he finds the second council to the commissioners put "down because useless; he revives it; he finds the boards of "accounts and stamps annexed by public compact; he divides "them; he finds the boards of customs and excise united by 66 public compact; he divides them; he finds three resolutions; "declaring, that seven commissioners are sufficient; he makes "nine; he finds the country has suffered by some peculations in the "ordnance; he increases the salaries of offices, and gives the places "to members; to members of parliament.'

The next attack upon the minister was made on the 1st of February, when Mr. Grattan, after having desired several resolutions to be read from the Journals once more, went over his old ground, and in a stupendous stream of oratory† arraigned

Now as to the peculation, instead of 6 or 80007. look at the documents and you will see, that in the space of time, which Lord Buckingham examined, about ten years, the defalcation on musquets and bayonets was upwards of 20.000. In the article of gunpowder issued, but not accounted for, 9000/. defalcation in gunpowder 26,000l. The excess of the profit on gunpowder in four years, bought from Irish manufactures, over what it might be bought for from English, 17,000l. Besides these discoveries Lord Buckingham has discovered how 800. a year may, and will in future be saved to the nation in the issue of powder to the several regiments: yet these are things that gentlemen affect to make light of, and blame Lord Buckingham, where he had so much merit.

10 Parl. Deb. p. 15.

In speaking of the undue influence of the crown, and the non-respon sibility of the Irish minister, he thus expressed himself (10 Parl. Deb. p. 61)

the whole system of the late administration, so stedfastly supported by the present. He then moved, "That the resolutions "of this house against increasing the number of the commis"sioners of the revenue and dividing of the boards, be laid be

"The advocates for undue influence, who have appeared in England, have "admitted it to be a defect, but a defect that would mix with the constitution: "the ministers of Ireland have made that defect the only engine of their go"vernment; our ministers have picked up from the British constitution no66 thing but the most corrupt part of her practice, and that they have carried "into the most daring excesses. No constitutional bills to heal: no popular "bills to pacify. The currency, the pure poison unmixed, unquenched, "unqualified; or if qualified, tempered only with revenge. On this principle "did the ministers take into their venal and vindictive hand the table of pro"scriptions, on this principle did they remove, not because the place was unnecessary; they have made unnecessary offices; on this principle did they "deprive, not because the pension list was overburthened; they have aug"mented that list, but because the placemen so removed and the pensioner so deprived had voted against the will of the minister, in questions wherein "that minister was pronounced to be unconstitutional, and convicted to be corrupt. On the same principle did the ministry try the paltry arts of di❝vision, holding out the aristocracy to the people, as the old accomplice of "the ministers, and to the country gentlemen, as the monopolizers of emoluments, as if by the spoil of the aristocracy the minister could bribe away the "independency of the country gentlemen, and rob the people of that small, "but respectable support, and sink that body into the heid of the castle. On "the same principle did the minister attack the dignity of the peerage, by the sale of honours, and the dignity of this house, by the application "of the money to purchase for the servants of the castle seats in the "assembly of the people. On the same principle did they attack the pu"rity of this house, by the multiplication of office, and division of estab"lishment.

"I will not say the ministers went into the open street with cockades "in their hats, and drums in their hands; but I do say they were as public, "and had as openly broken terms with decorum, as if they had so open"ly paraded in College Green, with their business lettered on their fore"head.

Such has been their practice, and such practice has been defended! "Merciful Heaven, defended! We have been taught to believe the Irish "viceroy is not to be affected in his situation by the sense of the people of "this country.

"Here you will stop to consider and demand why all this? Why this at"tack on Ireland? The minister will tell you what caused, but I will tell you "what contributed. It was impunity, impunity. You have no adequate re"sponsibility in Ireland, and politicians laugh at the sword of justice, which falls short of their heads, and only precipitates on their reputations. Sir, "this has never yet exercised herself in the way of vindictive justice, in the "case of Strafford, she was but an humble assistant, and yet in this country "we have had victims, the aristocracy at different times has been a victim, "the whole people of Ireland for almost an entire century were a victim; but “ministers in all the criminal successions....here is a chasm, a blank in your "history. Sir, you have in Ireland no axe, therefore no good minister. Sir, "it is the misfortune of this country, that the principles of her constitution "have not yet become entirely the maxims of all those, who take the lead in "her government. They have no public mind, their maxims are provincial, "and this misconception of our situation is not a little assisted by a prudent "sense of their own interest. They know that Ireland does not punish: they "see that the British court does reward. This will explain why the Irish court prefers a strong corrupt government to a good sound constitution."

"fore his majesty, with an humble address, that his majesty "will be graciously pleased to order to be laid before us the "particulars of the representations in consequence of which two 66 new commissioners of the customs had been added, notwith"standing the resolutions of this house; and also that his ma'jesty will be graciously pleased to communicate to his faithful commons, the names of the persons concerned in recommend"ing that measure."

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Mr. Conolly seconded the motion, and indignantly confessed he was ashamed of himself, when he saw his name inrolled in an assembly, that could first censure, and then support the Marquis of Buckingham; and if he could judge by the complexion of the house, was still determined to sanction his proceedings: he remarked, that the two additional commissioners were not only added to the original number, in despite of the resolutions of that house, but they were added for the purposes of corruption, coercion, and revenge.

The motion was vehemently opposed by Mr. John Beresford, the head commissioner of the customs, and more ably by Sir Hercules Langrishe, who had been longer employed in the collec

*This gentleman in the course of his argument palliated though he did not deny the substance of the charges made by the opposition. He spoke a very intelligible language. "As to the occasional expences of the present time, "as particularly alluded to, I shall only say, I hope I never was either the "preceptor or pupil of corruption, nor the advocate of prodigality. I am sure "I never shared in the one in order to practise or palliate the other; yet with "every conviction on my mind of the duty of government to observe economy, "I must say, that critical occasions sometimes occur, in which the most pure "and perfect minister can scarcely adhere to it. I am afraid that the recol"lection of those who hear me cannot furnish an instance of strong dissensions "between the crown and the parliament, in which, through the progress of "accommodation, some public expence has not been incurred. These ideas "may not, perhaps, be justified on abstract reasoning: but from the nature "and habits of man, the fact is unavoidable; and if it be unavoidable, I think "it is pardonable; and I believe it is unavoidable, because it never was "avoided. No! whilst human affairs are administered by human creatures, "human passions will interpose, and the governors and governed will act un"der their impulse; but it is the purpose and the principle, the motive and "the magnitude that decide the venality of the action, and that a critical emergency may vindicate occasional expence from systematical prodigality. I "know very well nothing can justify corruption; the constitution that recog"nizes influence in the crown, rejects corruption, and though I admit that in"fluence may appear, I utterly deny that corruption does. I appeal to the "experience of some years, if, on great and interesting occasions, there has "ever been wanting a sufficient share of public virtue to assert the rights and "maintain the interests of this country; neither do I think it very prudent to "suggest contrary notions to the people, whose peace and prosperity depend "on their obedience to the laws they have made. They will not be fond to "drink of the stream, if you tell them the source, from which it flows is cor"rupted; suffer them to feel that they are happy, that they are free, that they "are masters of their property, and secure in their persons, and that it is un"necessary for them to feel the parallel or follow the example of a neighbouring people that has been referred to; a people, who have been long bending

tion of the revenue, than any other member of that house. He entered into an elaborate disquisition of the origin, nature, union, and division of the boards of excise and customs, and limitation of the number of commissioners under different statutes, and strongly contended for the total dissimilarity between the periods of 1771 and 1790. The Attorney General and some few other members also opposed the motion. The debate was carried on with great violence till towards two o'clock in the morning, when upon a division there appeared 80 for and 135 against the motion.

The next effort of the opposition was Mr. Curran's motion, "That an humble address should be presented to his majesty, "praying that he would order to be laid before that house, the "particulars of the causes, consideration, and representations, "in consequence of which the boards of stamps and accounts "had been divided, with an increase of salary to the officers; also, that he would be graciously pleased to communicate to "that house the names of the persons who recommended that 26 measure."

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He prefaced his motion with a speech of much point and ability. The board of accounts had been instituted in Lord Townshend's administration; it came forward in a manner rather inauspicious, it was questioned in parliament, and was decided in the house by the majority of the five members who had received places under it; born in corruption, it could only succeed by venality! It continued an useless board, until the granting of the stamp duties in Lord Harcourt's time; the management of the stamps was then committed to it, and a solemn compact was made, that the taxes should not be jobbed, but that both departments should be executed by one board; so it continued, till it was thought necessary to encrease the salaries of the commissioners in the Marquis of Buckingham's famous administration, but then nothing was holden sacred.

He brought forward that motion, not as a question of finance, not as a question of regulation, but as a penal enquiry, and the people would now see, whether they were to hope for help within these walls. He rose in an assembly of three hundred persons, one hundred of whom had places or pensions; in an assembly, one-third of whom had their ears sealed against the "under slavery and oppression, and are now engaged in a bold effort to obtain "what they peaceably and perfectly enjoy already. They contended for equal "laws and ascertained rights; they had them. They fought for liberty; they enjoyed it; and long might they enjoy that first of human blessings, unimpaired by power on one hand, and undisturbed by groundless suspicions on "the other; and long might the parental vigilance of the right honourable "member superintend and protect it; let his constitutional jealousy be ever "awake, let it be scrupulous, but let it be temperate, let it be severe, but let "it be practicable."

complaints of the people, and their eyes intently turned to their own interest; he rose before the whisperers of the treasury, the bargainers and the runners of the castle: he addressed an audience, before whom was holden forth the doctrine, that the crown ought to use its influence on the members of that house.

He rose to try when the sluices of corruption had been let loose upon them, whether there were any means left to stem that torrent.

The debate broke out into great intemperance from both sides the division upon the motion was 81 in support, and 141 against it.*

Whatever may have been the merits or demerits of the police bill, certain it is, that it was most vehemently supported and opposed by the contending parties, with more than ordinary expressions and means of recommendation and reprobation. In order to give more sanction to the measure, his majesty was advised to mark his personal approbation of their efforts to uphold and improve that system of policy, in his answer to the address of the commons, selecting as it were this alone out of several objects comprised in the address.

On the 11th of February, a fresh attack was made upon the ministry, who acted during the whole session upon the defensive. Mr. Forbes called the attention of the house to some particular branches of the public expenditure, in order to prepare the minds of gentlemen for the consideration of the two

*In the course of this debate, a ministerial member (Mr. Moore) had made and repeated his declaration, that against a desperate party, combined to seize the crown, he, if he were a member, would think himself justified in employing all the influence of the crown, for the crown's protection. But the attorney general thought it prudent to rebut the imputation made at his concurrence in this opinion. 10 Par. Deb. p. 123. “Sir, said he, I never did insi"nuate in any way that we should obtain majorities by corruption: such a sen"timent never entered into my mind. I trust, Sir, that on my own account, I need "not make this declaration; to those who know me, it is unnecessary; but I "think it necessary to explain, that no such declaration was made on the part "of government, otherwise I know, that it would be put into the newspapers, "and be industriously propagated through the country, that government had "broached such doctrines, doctrines, which I believe, the gentlemen with "whom I act, reject and abhor."

† 10 Par. Deb. p. 135.

The KING'S Answer to the Address of the House of Commons. "GEORGE R.

"His majesty has received with great satisfaction, the dutiful ❝and loyal address of his faithful commons; the assurances of their attach"ment to his majesty's person, family and government, and the disposition "which they express to provide for the exigencies of the public service, and "to uphold and improve that system of policy, which has been attended with "such beneficial consequences to his majesty's faithful subjects in Ireland, "are highly pleasing to his majesty.

10 Par. Deb. p. 190.

"G. R."