measures, a place bill and a pension bill, which he proposed to introduce in the course of some few days. He then expatiated

at large upon every topic that had been agitated during the course of the session, and concluded with the following motion. "That an humble address be presented to his majesty, stating, "that having taken into our consideration the income and ex"penditure of the nation, we find ourselves obliged to lay be"fore him certain abuses and misapplications of a considerable "portion of the public revenues; that the list of pensions on the "21st of January, 1789, appears to have increased to the sum " of 101,000/, exclusive of the military pensions, which amount "to 6,500l. a sum nearly equal to half the charges of the civil "establishment; that the pensions placed on the civil and mili66 tary establishments since the 24th of February, 1784, exclu"sive of those granted in lieu or exchange of former pensions, "amounted to 29,800/.; 12,3131. of which have been placed on "the establishment since December, 1787; that the amount of "pensions on the civil establishment has increased since the "25th of March, 1784, in the sum of 16,000l.; that many of "those pensions have been granted to members of this house, "during the pleasure of the crown, in violation of the principles of the constitution, and honour of the House of Commons; that a number of new and additional salaries, in "the nature of pensions, had of late been annexed, not only to "old offices, which had become obsolete and useless, but also to "lesser offices, mostly sinecure, or hitherto considered of so in66 significant a nature, as to entitle the holders of such offices to

very small salaries; that an addition of 300l. per annum, has "been lately granted to the salary of the customer of Kinsale, to "commence from the 29th of September, 1789; and a further " addition of 2004. payable on a contingency, both for the life "of the present possessor; an office which has been for years "considered as useless and obsolete, to which no duty whatso

ever is annexed, nor any attendance required; that an addi"tion of 400l. per annum has been lately granted to the salary "of comptroller of the pipe, though 537. 10s. has for years been "considered as an adequate compensation for the discharge of "the duties of that office. That an addition of 150% per an"num has also been lately granted to the barrack-master of "Dublin. That the persons to whom those additional salaries "have been granted, are all members of this house. Humbly "beseeching his majesty graciously to interpose, to restrain the progress of a system of expence, which must soon induce a necessity of resorting to new loans, and of imposing new "taxes."

The motion was seconded by Mr. Conolly. Each debate grew warmer than the preceding. Many coarse personalities

were substituted for argument. The opposition not only upbraided the gentlemen of the treasury benches with being bought and hired to vote against their own convictions and the welfare of their country, but they taunted them, with the want of ability and talent, as well as of honour and honesty. This was highly resented by the attorney-general, who strongly charged his opponents with imperious turbulence, and overbearing, for no other purpose than to attain that power, which they could not behold enjoyed by others without envy. To which Mr. Forbes replied: he said, that he was not ashamed to declare, that he preferred the man, who contended for power rather than place; he was not ashamed to confess, that he wished for and ambitioned the possession of power, which might enable him and his friends to effectuate beneficial measures for the country, and obtain a pension, place, and a responsibility bill, and other salutary measures, in support of which, gentlemen, with whom he had the honour of co-operating, had publicly and solemnly pledged themselves. He said, he should ever prefer men who contended for such a power of serving their country, to a set of men who, regardless of principles, characters, and measures, were the indiscriminate supporters of any and every description of men, whom an unforeseen occurrence of circumstances, the confusion of times, or the coalition of parties, might enable to take possession of the government.

*On this occasion the opposition encreased: there being upon the division 92 for the address, against 136, that opposed

it.

* In the course of this debate, Mr. Monk Mason in defending the pension given to Mr. Orde as an usual thing, undertook to prove to the house, by an historical detail of the secretaryships, that so far from such grants being unprecedented, he should clearly prove to the house, that with the single exception of Mr. Fitzherbert, (that amiable man, whose departure from this country they all regretted) the secretary of every permanent administration, for these last forty years, had been invariably rewarded for his services in that station, at the expence of that kingdom: he had no doubt, that the practice was of more ancient date, but should confine himself to that period, which had fallen within his own experience.

He should therefore begin with the year 1749, in the administration of Lord Harrington, whose secretary, Mr. Weston, obtained as his reward, the office of alnager, for a term of years.

Mr. Weston was succeeded by Lord George Sackville, the son and secreta. ry of the Duke of Dorset, who was appointed clerk of the council.

Lord George was succeeded by General Conway, the late clerk of the ha naper.

General Conway was succeeded by Mr. Rigby, the late master of the rolls. Mr. Rigby was succeeded by Mr. Gerard Hamilton, whose office of chancellor of the exchequer, they had purchased from him, at the expence of a pension of 2,5001. a year for a number of lives.

Mr. Hamilton was succeeded by Lord Beauchamp, who, if he were not misinformed, derived some considerable emoluments from that country, though, not in his own name.

No character of an individual ever was more material to the interests of a kingdom, than that of Mr. Grattan to those of Ireland. Of the unrivalled powers of his mind, there never were two opinions. If these sheets have fairly (though faintly) recorded his exertions in favour of his country, up to the year 1782, it is presumed, that the judgment of the whole British empire upon his public conduct up to that period, will be in strict unison with that of his country, which then rewarded his fidelity and talents with a patriotic donation of 50,000l. From that great epoch in Irish history, no character has ever been more variously represented than that of Mr. Grattan. A man covered with the most honourable trophies of a grateful country, must in the jarring conflicts of political convulsions stand exposed to the shafts of ambition, fear, jealousy, envy and revenge. The spirit of party rose to an unprecedented height under Lord Buckingham's administration, and Mr. Grattan uniformly opposed the principles and measures of that system. One part of the nation supported and looked up to him with enthusiasm

Lord Beauchamp was succeeded by Lord Frederick Campbell, a nobleman of too high rank to desire any reward from that country, for the short time he resided in it; but his successor under the same administration (Lord Macartney) was rewarded for his services, by the government of the Castle of Toom, with a salary of 15007. a year.

Lord Macartney was succeeded by the right honourable gentleman on the second bench, who derived some advantages from his services in that station; though perhaps, not adequate either to his own merit, or Mr. Mason's good wishes.

The right honourable gentleman was succeeded by Sir Richard Heron, who held an employment in the port of Cork, worth 8007. a year.

From the time of Lord Buckinghamshire, till the arrival of the Duke of Rutland, the government of that country was continually changing; their secretaries were merely birds of passage; but Mr. Orde, who obtained the pension in question, as a reward for his services, which he well deserved, resided in that kingdom for three years, in times of difficulty and confusion ; devoting the whole of his attention, and even sacrificing his health, to an anxious desire, not only of promoting the present welfare of that country, but that of the rising generation also.

A very short, but singularly emphatical speech of Mr. O'Neil in this debate ought not to pass unnoticed. " 10 Par. Deb. p. 210. He thought it wholly "unnecessary for gentlemen on the other side, to adduce a single argument "upon any question, while they had an omnipotent number of 140 to support "them. On the subject of influence, the denial of it, he said, was ridiculous, "as there was not a lady then sitting at tea in Dublin, who, if she were told "that there were 120 men in that house, composed of placemen and pensioners, "would not be able to say how the question would be decided, as well as "the tellers on the division. He said the very first act in every session of "parliament, which was the bill of supply, went to raise the interest for a "million and a half of money for ministers to divide amongst themselves. I "do say, and I say it prophetically," continued he, " that the people will "resist it. The members of this house bear but a small proportion to the "people at large. There are gentlemen outside those doors, of as good "education and of as much judgment of the relative duties of representation. "as any man within doors, and matters are evidently ripening, and will shortly "come to a crisis."

as the grateful and faithful servant, the true friend and ablest advocate of his country. The other part (the less numerous and the more opulent) considered and represented him as a factious ingrate, a secret and dangerous enemy, and little short of an avowed traitor to his king and country. As he headed the most determined opposition ever made against the Irish government, his conduct has been scrutinized with censorious scrupulosity. He was the founder and promoter of the Whig Club of Ireland: and from his proposal, did the members pledge themselves to each other, not to accept offices under any administration, that would not support, until they obtained for the people, a pension bill, a place bill, a responsibility bill, and a bill to prevent the revenue officers from voting at elections. In this debate upon Mr. Forbes's motion, Mr. Grattan in reply to some observations made from the treasury bench on the subject of party, distinctly disclosed the objects, which he and his friends professed to have in view.*

10 Par. Deb. p. 216. We have been called, said he, the tail of a British faction; by whom? By those, or the followers of those, who owe their liveli hood, or their first elevation to what they call that British faction: by those who have received 1, 2, or 30007. a year from that British faction; whose nu. merous families have been fed by that British faction; or whose introduction into political life was first due, and the consequences, therefore, in some degree, to be attributed to that British faction. There is not one gentleman in the present Irish administration who is really confidential, that is not bounden by the closet relationship or the greatest political pecuniary obligations to that British faction; nor is there any one of them or of those, who act under them, that would not be the humble servant of that British faction, if the keys of the treasury were once more in their hands; nor is there any one of them, who would not, and does not now, for his private interest, personally and privately court that British faction. When such men revile that body, and instigate their friends, and followers and retainers, to revile that body, such men do not acquit themselves of the charge of party, but convict themselves of the basest ingratitude and vilest adulation; they prove themselves willing to offer their wretched incense to whomsoever shall be in power; to those from whom they now receive wages, and therefore fawn on, at the expence of those, from whom they did receive wages, from whom they are ready to receive wages, but from whom, at this particular moment, they receive wages no longer; and therefore such men are not above party, but so very mercenary and menial as to be below faction. Just so, the coachman who drives the minister; he serves secretary after secretary, he is handed down from master to master, and he enquires not into the principles of any, but receives wages from ali; and his justification is, that he is a servant: but should he, servant as he is, like some of you, revile these masters who have paid him, then he would be a faithless hireling, and not an honest servant.

Sir, I will tell gentlemen, what description of party is beneficial; a party united on public principle, by the bond of certain specific public measures, which measures cannot be carried by individuals, and can only succeed by party.

I will state some of ours, a pension bill, a place bill, a repeal of the present Dublin police bill, a responsibility bill, that is, a bill requiring the acts of the. executive power to be signed by certain officers resident in Ireland, who shall be with their lives and fortunes, responsible to this kingdom in the measures and expences of government; also a bill to preserve the freedom of election,

The next plan of attack fell to the lot of Mr. George Ponsonby, who after he had gone over the old course of popular grievances, finished with this observation, that as they had declared from the opposite benches, that they would avow and defend every measure of Lord Buckingham, there was little hope of his succeeding in his motion, though he had observed that the transcendant abilities of Mr. Grattan had, on the last debate, encreased the number of those, who voted on their side of the house. His motion was: To represent to his ma, 66 jesty, that his frithful commons having taken into considera"tion the growth of public expence in the last year, could "not but observe many new and encreased salaries, annexed 66 to offices granted to members of this house, no fewer in num"ber than fourteen; that so rapid an increase of places, to"gether with the number of additional pensions, could not but "alarm the house; and though they never could entertain a "doubt of his majesty's affection and regard for his loyal king"dom of Ireland, yet they feared, that his majesty's servants might, by misinformation, so far have abused his majesty's confidence, as to have advised such measures for the purpose "of increasing influence."

66

Mr. Grattan seconded the motion; which after a warm debate till one o'clock was negatived by a majority of 146, against 87.

by disqualifying revenue officers; and further a total demolition of the new charges created by the Marquis of Buckingham. These are some of the measures which we, if we should have power, are pledged to the public to carry into specific execution. I read them the rather, because litera scripta manet, the public hears and will record.

These are some of our measures: I now turn to administration, and call upon them to state their measures; what bills for the public good? State them; come forth; I pause to give them time to consider. Well, what are they? Not one public, constitutional, or wise regulation, there they sit under the public eye; a blank, gutted, excavated, and eviscerated of any one single, constitutional, or œconomic bill, principle or project for the good of the community.

Sir, I will give these gentlemen of administration, on this topic of party, the greatest advantage they can in their situation receive. I will draw a veil over the past, and forget the specific services which we have performed, and those which we are pledged to perform for the good of the country. I will also forget the injuries, which they and their abettors have at different times inflicted, and are this hour inflicting on the community; let us start as it were anew, set name against name, and we will beat them down by cha

racter.

I have submitted a description of a party which I conceive to be a public benefit. I will state to you a description of a party which I conceive to be the public curse; if party it can be called, which is worse than a faction, and nothing more than an impudent phalanx of political mercenaries, coming from their little respective offices to vote for their bribe and vapour for their character, who have neither the principles of patriotism, nor ambition, nor party, nor honour: who are governed not by deliberation, but discipline; and licking the hands that feed, and worshipping the patron that bribes them. Degraded men, disgraceful tribe! When they vote for measures, they are venal when such men talk against party, they are impudent.