ble that measures were carrying on in concert for establishing a permanent union of interest between the Protestants of the north (chiefly Dissenters) and the body of Roman Catholics. In the month of June, 1791, a paper was circulated in Dublin, containing the design of an association to be called the Society of United Irishmen at Belfast: and a complete plan or prospectus of the society was published in the Northern Star in October following; and in the same month the Roman Catholics published a declaration of their tenets and pretensions, and circulated them through the kingdom, in order to remove prejudices, and spirit up the exertions of their friends in their cause.* In the ensuing month of November, a similar society of United Irishmen was established at Dublin: their declaration was the same as that of Belfast: but a test was annexted to it. To this society Mr. James Napper Tandy was secretary, and Mr. Simon Butler chairman. The acts of this period are to be retailed, as they took place: not as they may now appear in the eyes of those, who consider every act or transaction as tainted with treason, because some of the actors in them were afterwards guilty of that offence. It appeared now to be the fixed system of the castle to involve all societies, clubs, and associations, which were very numerous in Ireland, from the Whig Club downwards, in one common anathema of faction and sedition. The press teemed with publications on the great political questions of the day, and the warfare was truly virulent. Lord Fitzgib bon's book, reviving the question of the regency, produced several acrimonious answers. The severe attacks on the Whig Club were answered with great ability and warmth. Opposition could scarcely be pushed to more severe hostilities. Every expression of attention to any popular character, was an offence of no mean standard at the Castle: and the resentments were always represented by the opposite parties as personal and vin'dictive.

When the Earl of Charlemont sailed for England to conduct his daughter to the Bath waters, the Whig Club, and all the volunteer corps in Dublin, attended him under arms to the water edge, and paid him the like honours on his return. In the course of this summer this venerable nobleman found himself under the necessity of resigning the government of the county of Armagh a confidential honour, which his ancestors had uninterruptedly enjoyed from the days of Elizabeth: he considered

This declaration was made on the 21st of October, 1791, and may be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXIV.

t It is requisite to shew, that these first societies of United Irishmen differed from those that afterwards entered into the rebellion. Here nothing was secret, nothing ambiguous, nothing inconsistent with the duty of a loyal subject. Their test and constitution are to be seen in the Appendix, No. LXXXV.

h

the joint appointment of another nobleman with him in that government, as an offence and insult. At this time his lordC ship's predilections for the dissenters seem to have been particularly obnoxious to government; and many circumstances concur in proving, that the determined efforts of the northern dissenters in the cause of liberty, were infinitely more dreaded by government, than the claims or attempts of the Catholics for their emancipation. Lord Charlemont was still averse

It was not till the year 1796, that Lord Charlemont changed his opinion upon this subject, having then voted for their being admitted to the elective franchise. At the time the following address was written to his lordship:

"When a project is brought forward, professing to advance the prosperity, " and more firmly to secure the constitution of Ireland, the looks and thoughts "of men are naturally directed to Lord Charlemont: To a patriot nobleman, "whose life, his labours alike and relaxations, have been consecrated to the "service of his country: in the field, in the senate, in the cabinet mingling "literature with arms, tempering politics with philosophy: neglecting, when "the public exigencies required it, the cultivation of an elegant mind to join in military exercises, and set the example of assiduity and ardour: returning "when the necessity had passed away, to encourage science in the land "wherein he had planted freedom; erecting the temple of liberty, and courting "every muse to decorate the edifice. Excuse, my lord, this intrusion; there "is a sort of established prescription for soliciting your notice when Ireland is "the object, and the theme is freedom; it is a price exacted for the situation you are placed in, the most enviable a man can hold; loved, admired, and "venerated by an entire people.

4

"I am aware, my lord, that on a former occasion, you did not seem to concur in that sentiment, which it is the object of this essay to impress and to disse"minate; if it were my design to flatter, I should turn with a courtier's pre"caution from this contrariety; but relying on your lordship's candour, I "recal the subjeet, but I recal it to expostulate, not to censure; how should "I censure the man, who opposes to reproof the seven-fold shield of public "virtue and private benignity? Let it stand as the most ample testimony to "your good sense, that you are requested to reconsider an opinion once de"livered, and of your importance in the nation, that discussing a great state "question, it is my wish to make your lordship my first proselyte.

So deeply rooted are our antipathies to many amongst us, the very name "of popery is an abomination; they start at the most remote hint of indulgence "to that hated people: such considerations could never have influenced Lord "Charlemont; when, my lord, the authority of your great name was opposed "to the career of liberality, the intended alteration must have appeared inex"pedient. I know that many wise, and honourable persons, who, like you, feel warmly for the rights of mankind, are induced to think the Roman "Catholics not prepared to receive civil liberty. I cannot assent to this doc"trine; and upon this, as well as upon other parts of the subject, may I indulge "my vanity with a hope that additional lights are to be offered; yet should I "fail in impressing upon your lordship the wished-for conviction, I must con"tinue to respect, even in a virtuous mind, what I am constrained to class " among its foibles.

"Brutus says they are ambitious.

"But Brutus is an honourable man."

It will be amidst the improvements of a future period, that the parties, which "now distract the country, shall be extinguished; and the motives, which at "this day indispose very honest men to the cause of the Roman Catholics, be "neglected or forgotten; the stream of time as it wafts to posterity the events "of this important era, will not buoy up the various feelings, by which indivi"duals are actuated; when at that day, my lord, history records your name

VOL. III.

from admitting the Catholics into any participation of the

state.

"amongst the illustrious worthies, who have used their rank but as the instru ment of public advantage, with the Hornes, the Egmonts, and the Nassaus, or with your own Rockingham and Saville: it will be enquired with amaze"ment, why the benevolent friend of mankind should acquiesce in what then may appear unjust privation; the disinterested patriot should countenance "what will seem not calculated to promote his country's interest: on this side "alone will malignity attempt to whisper misrepresentation; on this act "alone will fame be silent; or as she extends the annals of your life, an "example to future noblemen, on this page only will she drop a tear, and suffer "it, like the disavowed victories of Condé, to be torn from her record." This alluded to a figure of the great Condé at Chantilly: Fame is represented holding to view the history of his life; but the pages supposed to contain the account of those victories he gained against his country, are represented at his feet, torn from the book.

END OF THE THIRD VOLUME.

Printed and Published by W. F. M'Laughlin, and Bartholomew Graves, Philadelphia.

...

THE DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MESSRS. FLOOD AND GRATTAN: FROM THE DEBATES IN THE IRISH HOUSE OF COMMONS, 2 VOL. P. 35 to 61, &c....P. 44.

MR. FLOOD.....I find myself little capable of speaking to this question, oppressed with sickness as I am; not in the least degree expecting such a question this night, and more astonished than ever I was in my life, to find the least symp tom of opposition arising on the other side of the house. The opposition to it should originate here, for the resolution does not go as far as it ought to do. In Lord Townshend's administration, a resolution was proposed, "that the condition of "this country required every practicable retrenchment to be "made in its expences ;" and the administration of that day thought they had done enough, and allowed themselves latitude sufficient, by amending it with the words....consistent with the welfare thereof, and the honourable support of his majesty's government; though the resolution so amended, stood then exactly like the present motion.. (Here the clerk, at Mr. Flood's desire, read the former resolution.) But I think this motion still allows too great an inlet to public profusion. Some men will think of their own welfare, when the welfare of the country is the object, and include their own support within the honourable support of his majesty's government; I did not, therefore, think any man on the side of administration would have opposed the motion; I rather supposed they would have called out in triumph to let it pass; they would have exulted to see "the new commons, the new country," Ireland, in its emancipated and dignified state, tolerate the nonsense that was current in Lord Townshend's administration.

I am as willing as any man to pay compliment to ministry, both here and in England, to allow them every degree of credit for their honourable intentions; I have not the smallest ground of animosity or resentment to them, and when I hear economy recommended from the throne, almost in the words of the honourable baronet, I am astonished at an opposition to his motion. Indeed, I believe the words of that recommendation were by some accident misplaced, or that government has not - digested the plan of retrenchment; they should not have followed immediately the mention of the Genevan colony, a body of virtuous men, who to avoid the most ignominious slavery, have sought an asylum in the arms of this country. It was not the proper place to use the word economy: it there disgraces the virtuous and generous act of men, who have just recovered their own liberty; by placing it there, we may lose a great deal of honour, but can save very little money. But it is not to such little things we are to look for relief; our retrenchments should reach establishments, and not like England plunge deeper each day in ruin, Ministry both here and in that kingdom, have been often warned of the fatal consequences that must follow, but these warnings have been treated as the visions of speculative men. England, that great and mighty country, now staggers under a load of debt, distressed and dismembered, her expences overwhelm her; and where is the man who will say, she shall be redeemed? Where is the man who will say, I will redeem her, and will say how? Though every little minister, or every little man who imagines he is a minister, is ready to undertake the management of her affairs: where is the man who will say, that Ireland ought to have a peace establishment of 15,000 men? When the augmentation took place in Lord Townshend's administration, this country was unable to bear it, and since that day we have been involving her deeper and deeper, because we at first engaged her in an undertaking beyond her strength. When all the world united against Britain, and she was surrounded with enemies on every side, we gave way to the feelings of our hearts and spared her 4000 men; and some time after in the moment de flagrante bello, we granted her more than half our remaining troops: if then in time of war the country could subsist without troops, will any man say, that in time of profound peace she ought to support 15000 men? No, now is the time for reducing your military establishment; let your intention be known this day, that the right honourable secretary may have time to communicate with England: if you neglect the present opportunity, no minister hereafter will have even a pretence for restoring the finances of this country.

I am no partisan either here or in England, I can gain nothing by it; I am ready in either place, like a man, to support mi