CHAP. III.] PROGRESS OF THE COUNTRY. 65 Tandy avoided the arrest, surrendered himself a few hours before Parliament was proroguedwas brought to the bar; defied the House-refused to answer their questions; was committed to prison, accompanied by crowds of his anxious fellow-citizens, and immediately after was liberated. His trial then came on; the Government prosecuted him for sending a hostile message to Mr. Toler; they failed in proving their case, and Mr. Tandy was triumphantly acquitted. The East India trade again occupied the attention of Parliament. As Ireland could not trade directly to the East Indies, she was obliged to pay dearer for India goods coming through England, than if she traded directly to those regions. Accordingly, Mr. Ponsonby moved for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the laws which prevented the trade of Ireland eastward of the Cape of Good Hope; but his motion was unsuccessful. On presenting the money bills for the royal assent, the Speaker, Mr. Foster, stated in his speech, that the successful measures taken to prevent the increase of the national debt, was one great cause of the extension of trade, agriculture, and manufactures, which, with a rapid and uninterrupted progress, raised the kingdom to a state of prosperity and wealth never experienced before. Mr. Foster was so far right; for Ireland had certainly increased of late in a remarkable and unprecedented manner. The years 1791, 1792 and 1793, were nearly her most flourishing periods, both as to trade and revenue. Her debt had not increased from 1787 to 1792, and at this latter period only amounted to 1,718,2247. and her revenue in this year amounted nearly to two millions. Her exports (official value) had increased from 3,779,570l. in 1785, to 5,387,7601. 66 PARLIAMENT PROROGUED. [CHAP. III. in 1792.* In the item of linens, the export had increased from fourteen millions of yards in 1781, to forty-five millions in 1792. Her agriculture, manufactures, and industry had made great and surprising advances since the period of the revolution of 1782. The concluding part, however, of this speech was marked by that narrow spirit which, unfortunately, swayed Mr. Foster during the whole of his life, and was so ill suited to a country, the majority of whose people were of the Catholic persuasion. He stated that "on the provisions for securing a Protestant Parliament depended the Protestant ascendancy, and with it the continuance of the many blessings they enjoyed." For this speech, Mr. Hobart, the Secretary, moved the thanks of the House, and passed a marked eulogium on Mr. Foster-a questionable mode of shewing to the Catholics the sincerity of his attachment to their cause. On the 18th of April, 1792, the session concluded, and Parliament was prorogued. The rejection of the Catholic Petition had been immediately followed up by a vote of thanks from the Corporation of Dublin to the majority of 210 who had voted against the extension of the right of elective franchise to the Catholics. This body, who rested their title upon a charter of James the Second, formed, nevertheless, a most exclusive party. As private individuals, many of them were respectable; but as a public assembly, they were wholly unfit to interfere in politics, particularly where religion was concerned; and it is very probable that they would have remained quiescent had they not been excited by the Castle. Upon * In 1795, her revenue amounted to 1,931,4617.; and in 1796, to 2,256,6217. The five items were Customs, Excise, Carriage-duty, Hearth-money, and Stamps. CHAP. III.] ROMAN CATHOLIC DECLARATION. 67 this, the Roman Catholics, adopting the suggestion thrown out by their Protestant friends at the meeting in Belfast, and following the example of a large portion of the English Roman Catholics, published a formal declaration* of their opinions * Declaration of the Catholics of Ireland in a General Committee. Dublin, March 17th, 1792. Whereas certain opinions and principles, inimical to good order and government, have been attributed to the Catholics, the existence of which we utterly deny; and, whereas, it is at this time peculiarly necessary to renounce such imputations, and to give the most full and ample satisfaction to our Protestant brethren, that we hold no principle whatsoever, incompatible with our duty as men or as subjects, or repugnant to liberty, whether political, civil, or religious. Now, we, the Catholics of Ireland, for the removal of all such imputations, and in deference to the opinion of many respectable bodies of men, and individuals among our Protestant brethren, do hereby, in the face of our country, of all Europe, and before God, make this our deliberate and solemn declaration : 1. We abjure, disavow, and condemn the opinion, that princes, excommunicated by the Pope and Council, or by any ecclesiastical authority whatsoever, may therefore be deposed or murdered by their subjects, of any other persons. We hold such doctrine in detestation, as wicked and impious; and we declare we do not believe, that either the Pope, with or without a general Council, or any prelate or priest, or any ecclesiastical power whatsoever, can absolve the subjects of this kingdom, or any of them, from their allegiance to his Majesty King George the Third, who is, by authority of Parliament, the lawful King of this realm. 2. We abjure, condemn, and detest, as unchristian and impious, the principle, that it is lawful to murder, destroy, or any ways injure any person whatsoever, for or under the pretence of their being heretics;and we declare solemnly before God, that we believe that no act in itself, unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by, or under pretence or colour, that it was done either for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever. 3. We further declare, that we hold it as an unchristian and impious principle, that "no faith is to be kept with heretics." This doctrine we detest and reprobate, not only as contrary to our religion, but as destructive of morality, of society, and even of common honesty; and it is our firm belief that an oath made to any person, not of the Catholic religion, is equally binding, as if it were made to any Catholic what soever. 4. We have been charged with holding as an article of our belief, that the Pope, with or without the authority of a general council, or that certain ecclesiastical powers can acquit and absolve us, before God, from our oath of allegiance, or even from the just oaths and contracts entered into between man and man: Now, we do utterly renounce, abjure, and deny that we hold or maintain any such belief, as being contrary to the peace and happiness of society, inconsistent with morality, and above all, repugnant to the true spirit of the Catholic religion. 68 ROMAN CATHOLIC DECLARATION. [CHAP. III. and principles as connected with the civil and religious liberty of the subject. The General Committee shortly after issued a circular letter to the Catholics of Ireland, 5. We do further declare, that we do not believe that the Pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince, prelate, state, or potentate, hath, or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. 6. After what we have renounced, it is immaterial, in a political light, what may be our opinion or faith in other points respecting the Pope. However, for greater satisfaction, we declare, that it is not an article of the Catholic faith, neither are we thereby required to believe or profess "that the Pope is infallible," or that we are bound to obey any order, in its own nature immoral, though the Pope, or any ecclesiastical power, should issue or direct such order; but, on the contrary, we hold, that it would be sinful in us to pay any respect or obedience thereto. 7. We further declare, that we do not believe that any sin whatsoever committed by us can be forgiven at the mere will of any Pope, or of any priest, or of any person or persons whatsoever; but that sincere sorrow for past sins, a firm and sincere resolution, as far as may be in our power, to restore our neighbour's property or character, if we have trespassed on, or unjustly injured either; a firm and sincere resolution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, are previous and indispensable requisites to establish a well-founded expectation of forgiveness; and that any person who receives absolution without these previous requisites, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sins, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament. 8. We do hereby solemnly disclaim, and for ever renounce all interest in, and title to, all forfeited lands resulting from any rights, or supposed rights of our ancestors, or any claim, title, or interest therein; nor do we admit any title, as a foundation of right, which is not established and acknowledged by the laws of the realm, as they now stand. We desire, further, that whenever the patriotism, liberality, and justice of our countrymen, shall restore to us a participation in the elective franchise, no Catholic shall be permitted to vote at any election for members to serve in parliament, unless he shall previously take an oath to defend, to the utmost of his power, the arrangement of property in this country, as established by the different acts of attainder and settlement. 9. It has been objected to us, that we wish to subvert the present church establishment for the purpose of substituting a Catholic establishment in its stead. Now we do here disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any such intention; and further, if we shall be admitted into any share of the constitution, by our being restored to the right of elective franchise, we are ready, in the most solemn manner to declare, that we will not exercise that privilege to disturb and weaken the establishment of the Protestant religion, or Protestant Government in this country. Signed by order and on behalf of the General Committee of the Catholics of Ireland, EDWARD BYRNE, Chairman. CHAP. III.] ANTI-CATHOLIC ADDRESSES. 69 calling upon them to appoint delegates from each county, and all the great cities, to form an enlarged committee, directing them as to the mode of appointment, and recommending that they should be instructed to petition the King, and ask for the elective franchise, and equal participation in the benefits of the trial by jury. Lord This letter roused the feelings of the ascendancy party, and every exertion was made by Government to oppose the project. The Corporations and the grand juries were appealed to; Clare's party in Limerick; Mr. Foster and his family in Lowth; the Beresfords in Londonderry-all co-operated with the grand juries in passing resolutions against the Catholics and their projected plan of delegation. Carlow, Mayo, Monaghan, Longford, Cork, Limerick, Wexford, Cavan, Fermanagh, Roscommon, Leitrim, Meath, Londonderry, Armagh, Louth, were the chief counties from whence grand jury addresses were forwarded; but it was Limerick that gave the tone to the rest. In consequence of these proceedings, the subcommittee of the Catholics drew up a case for counsel,* who gave it as their opinion that the proposed plan was perfectly legal and constitutional. The Committee also published a declaration in reply to the grand jury addresses, and voted thanks to their Protestant friends for their support. The addresses were, in general, violent, illiberal, and intemperate; fatal to the peace of the country, and injurious to the character of the Government, who by these sinister and unworthy arts excited the people, just as they were disposed to coalesce, and to forget past animosities; they set both parties - Protestant and Catholic at war against each other, and shewed that they * See Appendix IV. + See Appendix V. |