eighty thousand men, for to this amount, it is, he said, to be immediately completed, all ready for the most desperate enterprizes; and EngJand with a fleet that made her mistress of the seas, and which he did not think he fhould be able to equal in less than ten years. Two such countries by a proper understanding might govern the world, but by their strifes might overturn it. He said, that if he had not felt the enmity of the British government on every occasion since the Treaty of Amiens, there would have been nothing that he would not have done to prove his desire to conciliate; participation in indemnities as well as in influence on the Continent; treaties of commerce; in short, any thing that could have given satisfaction, and have testified his friendship. Nothing, however, had been able to conquer the hatred of the British government, and therefore it was now come to the point, whether we should have peace or war. To preserve peace the Treaty of Amiens must be fulfilled; the abuse in the public prints, if not totally suppressed, at least kept within bounds, and confined to the Eng. lish papers; and the protection so openly given to his bitterest enemies (alluding to Georges and persons of that description) must be withdrawn. If war, it was necessary only to say so, and to refuse to fulfil the treaty. He now made the tour of Europe to prove to me, that in its present state, there was no power with which we could coalesce for the purpose of making war against France; consequently it was our interest to gain time, and if we had any point to gain renew the war when circumstances were more favourable. He said, it was not doing him justice to suppose, that he conceived himself above the opinion of his country or of Europe. He would not risk uniting Europe against him by any violent act of aggression; neither was he so powerful in France as to persuade the nation to go to war unless on good grounds. He said, that he had not chastised the Algerines, from his unwillingness to excite the jealousy of other powers, but he hoped that England, Russia, and France would one day feel that it was their interest to destroy such a nest of thieves, and force them to live rather by cultivating their land than by plunder. In the little I said to him, for he gave me in the course of two hours but very few opportunities of saying a word, I confined myself strictly to the tenor of your lordship's instructions. I urged them in the same manner as I had done to M. de Talleyrand, and dwelt as strongly as I could on the sensation which the publication of Sebastiani's report had created in England, where the views of France towards Egypt must always command the utmost vigilance and jealousy. He maintained that what ought to convince us of his desire of peace, was on the one hand the little he had to gain by renewing the war, and on the other the facility with. which he might have taken possession of Egypt with the very ships and troops which were now going from the Mediterranean to St. Domingo, and that with the approbation of all Europe, and more particularly of the Turks, who had repeatedly invited him to join with them for the purpose of forcing us to evacuate their territory. I do not pretend to follow the arguments of the First Consul in detail; this would be impossible, from the vast variety of matter, which he took occasion to introduce. His purpose was evidently to convince me that on Malta must depend peace or war, and at the same time to impress upon my mind a strong idea of the means he possessed of annoying us at home and abroad. With regard to the mistrust and jealousy which he said constantly prevailed since the conclusion of the Treaty of Amiens, I observed that after a war of such long duration, so full of rancour, and carried on in a manner of which history has no example, it was but natural that a considerable degree of agitation should prevail; but this, like the swell after a storm, would gradually sub side, if not kept up by the policy of either party that I would not pretend to pronounce which had been the aggressor in the paper war of which he complained, and which was still kept up,though with this difference, that in England it was independent of government, and in France its very act and deed. To this I added, that it must be admitted that we had such motives of mistrust against France as could not be alleged against us, and I was going to instance the accession of territory and influence gained by France since the treaty, when he interrupted me by saying, I suppose you mean Piedmont and Switzerland; "ce sont des Bagatelles :” and it must have been foreseen whilst the negotiation was pending; " Vous n'avez pas le droi d'en parler à cette heure." I then al leged as a cause of mistrust and of jealousy, the impossibility of obtaining justice or any kind of redress for any of his Majesty's subjects. He asked me in what respect; and I told him that since the signing of the treaty, not one British claimant had been satisfied, although every Frenchman of that description had been so within one month after that period; and that since I had been here, and I could say as much of my predecessors, not one satis factory answer had been obtained to the innumerable representations which we had been under the necessity of making in favour of British subjects and property detained in the several ports of France and elsewhere, without even a shadow of justice: such an order of things, I said, was not made to inspire confidence; but, on the contrary, must create mistrust. This, he said, must be attributed to the natural difficulties attending such suits, when both parties thought themselves right; but he denied that such delays could pro discussion, where that could be done without violating the laws of the country, and to fulfil strictly the engagements which they had contracted, in as much as that could be reconciled with the safety of the state. As this applied to Malta and Egypt, he gave me to understand that a project was in contemplation, by which the integrity of the Turkish empire would be so effectually secured as to do away every cause of doubt or uneasiness, either with regard to Egypt or any part of the Turkish dominions. He could not then, he said, explain himself farther. Under these circumstances no one can expect that we should relinquish that assurance which we have in hand, till some WHITWORTH, The Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. ceed from any disinclination to do what was &c. Downing-street, Feb. 28th, 1803 No. 39.-My Lord, Your excellency's dispatch, of February 21st, has been received, and laid before the King. I have great satisfaction in communicating to you his Majesty's entire approbation of the able and judicious manner in which you appear to have executed the instructions which I gave to you in my dispatch of the 9th instant. The account you have given of your interview with the First Consul, is in every respect important. It is unnecessary for me to remark on the tone and temper in which the sentiments of the First Consul appear to have been expressed, or to offer any observations in addition to those so properly made by your excellency at the time, upon several of the topics which were brought forward by the First Consul in the course of your conversation; I shall therefore content myself with referring your excellency to my dispatch to Mr. Merry of August 29, 1802, in which the subject of the complaints of the French government, respecting the freedom of the press, the emigrants, &c. are particularly discussed. I cannot, however, avoid noticing, that nothing approaching to explanation or satisfaction is stated to have been thrown out by the First Consul, in answer to the just representations and complaints of his Majesty, in consequence of the unwarrantable insinuations and charges contained in Colonel Sebastiani's report against his Majesty's government,-the officer commanding his forces in Egypt, and his army in that quarter: but that, on the other hand, the language of the First Consul has tended to strengthen and confirm the suspicions which that publication was peculiarly calcu lated to excite. I shall now proceed to give you some farther instructions on the language which it may be proper for you to hold respecting the charge which has been advanced against his Majesty's government, of their Consul, in his interview with your excellency); unwillingness to fulfil the treaty of Amiens. views which are directly repugnant, not onThe treaty of Amiens has been in a course ly to the spirit, but to the letter of the treaty of execution, on the part of his Majesty, in of Amiens. From the postscript in your exevery article in which, according to the spi- cellency's letter, it appears that a project was rit of that treaty, it has been found capable in contemplation, by which, according to the of execution. There cannot be the least doubt, declaration of Mr. Talleyrand, the integrity of that Egypt is at this time completely evacu- the Turkish territory would be secured so as to ated. The delay which had arisen in the do away every cause of doubt or uneasiness evacuation of Alexandria, was owing to ac- either with regard to Egypt or to any other part cidental circumstances, the particulars of of the Turkish dominions. His Majesty will which were explained to you in my dispatch consider the communication of such a proof the 30th November last; and I had everyject as indicating a disposition, on the part reason to believe, from the communication of the French government, to afford him I had with General Andreossy on the sub-explanation and satisfaction respecting some ject, that the French government were per- of the points which have been the subject of fectly satisfied with the explanation which he his representation. But after all that has was authorized at the time to give them re- passed, his Majesty cannot consent that his specting it. With regard to that article of the troops should evacuate the Island of Malta, treaty which relates to Malta, the stipula- until substantial security has been provided tions contained in it (owing to circumstances for those objects, which, under the present which it was not in the power of his Majesty circumstances, might be materially endanto controul), have not been found capable of gered by their removal. I am, &c. execution. The refusal of Russia to accede to the arrangement, except on condition that the Maltese langue should be abolished; the silence of the Court of Berlin with re HAWKESBURY. His Excellency Lord Whitworth, &c. Paris, 5th March, 1803. No. 40.-My Lord, I saw M. de Talleyrand spect to the invitation that has been made to yesterday, and acquitted myself of your it, in consequence of the treaty, to become lordship's instructions. I recapitulated the a guarantying power; the abolition of the several arguments therein contained, dwelSpanish priories, in defiance of the treaty to ling particularly on the open avowal of the which the King of Spain was a party; the First Consul's views in Egypt; and condeclaration of the Portuguese government of cluding with the resolution of his Majesty not their intention to sequestrate the property of to withdraw his troops from Malta, until the Portuguese priory, as forming a part of some security should be given, that by so the Spanish langue, unless the property of doing his Majesty should not expose the the Spanish priories is restored to them; the safety of his own dominions. He heard me non-election of a Grand Master: these cir- with great patience, and in answer endeacumstances would have been sufficient, with- voured, as before, to convince me that out any other special grounds, to have war- there was no reason whatever for the appreranted his Majesty in suspending the evacua hensions which we entertained. That it was tion of the Island, until some new arrangement true, the acquisition of Egypt had been, and could be adjusted for its security and inde- perhaps still was, a favourite object of the pendence. But when it is considered how First Consul, but that it was not so much so greatly the dominion, power, and influence as to allow him to go to war for its attainof France have of late been extended, his ment. I then told him that what had in a Majesty must feel, that he has an incon- particular manner excited the attention of testible right, conformably to the principles your lordship, in my last report, was the ason which the treaty of peace was negociated surance he had given me of some project and concluded, to demand additional secu- being in contemplation, whereby the interities in any new arrangement which it might grity of the Turkish empire would be so inbe necessary to make with a view of effect- sured, in all its parts, as to remove every ing the real objects of that treaty. And doubt or apprehension. I begged him, these considerations, sufficient as they might therefore, to explain himself on this subject, be in themselves to justify the line of con- which I conceived to be of the utmost imduct which his Majesty had determined to portance; since it was only by such means adopt, have received additional force from that both parties could be satisfied. He then the views which have been recently and un-gave me to understand, that what he had reservedly manifested by the French government, respecting the Turkish dominions, and the islands in the Adriatic (and which have been in a great degree admitted by the First termed a project was nothing more than what had been expressed in the First Consul's message to the legislative body, when he says, that there is a French ambassador at disposed to give me another opinion, and to convince me that the First Consul, far from wishing to carry matters to extremity, was desirous to discuss, fairly and without passion, a point, which he admitted was of importance to both countries. He repeatedly assured me, that much as the First Consul might have the acquisition of Egypt at heart, he would sacrifice his own feelings to the to augment his glory, by improving and consolidating the internal situation of the country, rather than by adding to its possessions. Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, &c. W. Constantinople, who is charged to give every assurance of the disposition of France to strengthen, instead of to weaken, that government. I expressed a doubt whether this, or any other parole security, would be considered as sufficient in such a transaction. Hereupon he repeated the question-What then is the security which you require, and which the First Consul can give? This, I told him, must be the subject of the negotia-preservation of peace; and henceforth seek tion on which we were willing to enter; and I trusted that the French government would bring into it the same temper, and the same real desire to conciliate, which was manifested by his Majesty's ministers. M. de Talley- No. 41.-Note from General Andréossy rand now informed me, that the First Con- to Lord Hawkesbury, dated March 10,' sul had, five or six days ago, ordered instruc- 1803.-Translation.-The undersigned amtions to be sent to General Andréossy, by bassador and minister plenipotentiary of the which he was to require an immediate and French Republic to his Britannic Majesty, categorical answer to the plain question has received from the First Consul, express Whether his Majesty would, or would not, orders to require from the British governcause Malta to be evacuated by the British ment some some explanations respecting the troops? That he concluded this communica- protracted occupation of the Island of Malta tion was already made, and that he expected by the English troops. He had hoped that to learn the result of it in a very few days; verbal communications would have been sufadding, that all the First Consul wanted was ficient to have produced satisfactory expcto know precisely on what he had to depend. sitions, by preparing the way for the mutual I could not help lamenting this precipitate conciliation of minds and interests, a conduct measure, since it could answer no good pur- which has been prescribed to him by his pose, and would only tend to introduce into ardent zeal for the maintenance of harmony the discussion ill-humour and offended dig-between the two countries, and of the peace nity, in the place of dispassionate reasoning. [ of Europe, objects of the solicitude of the' I begged him, however, to be prepared, and French government: but the undersigned to prepare the First Consul, to meet with more opposition to his will than he had been accustomed to on similar occasions. I told him, that his Majesty was willing to discuss the point in dispute with fairness and candour, but certainly never would be intimidated into acquiescence; and I repeatedly urged, that if he wished well to the peace of the two countries, he should prepare the First Consul for the consequences which might naturally be expected from this step, and thus prevent the effect of any sudden gust of ill-humour. He was unwilling to admit that there could be any chance of satisfying the First Consul short of a compliance with his wishes, founded as he pretended on good faith. Our conversation ended here, and I wait the result of General Andréossy's communication with the utmost impatience. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) WHITWORTH. P. S. In the interval between the writing and the transcribing the above dispatch, I have taken another opportunity of seeing M. de Talleyrand, and I am glad to find, that (for what purpose I know not) he had represented the instructions to General Andréossy as much more absolute and offensive than they really are. I found him to-day entirely VOL. III. thinks he can no longer delay complying with the instructions he had received, and he has therefore the honour of addressing the following observations to his Excellency Lord Hawkesbury, which recal to recollection the spirit and the leading features of the verbal communications which he has previously made to him. By the conditions of the fourth paragraph of the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens, the English troops were to evacuate the Island of Malta and its dependencies three months after the exchange of the ratifications. Ten months have elapsed since the ratifications have been exchanged, and the English troops are still at Malta. The French troops, on the contrary, who were to evacuate the Neapolitan and Papal states, have not waited the expiration of the three months which were granted to them to withdraw, and have quitted Tarentum, the fortifications of which they had reestablished, and where they had collected 100 pieces of cannon. What can be alleged in justification of the delay in evacuating Malta? Has not the 10th article of the treaty of Amiens provided for every thing? And the Neapolitan troops being arrived, under what pretext do those of England stil remain there? Is it because all the power * Ꭰ enumerated in the 6th paragraph have not yet | jesty's disposition for the preservation of accepted the guaranty which is devolved upon peace. I beg leave to return your lordship them? But this is not a condition that relates my thanks for having apprized me of this to the evacuation of the island; and besides, circumstance by a special messenger; I Austria has already sent its act of guaranty: found, however, on going to M. de TalleyRussia itself has made only a single difficulty, rand, at two o'clock, that he was already inwhich is done away by the accession of the formed of it. He was just setting out to First Consul to the modifications proposed, communicate it to the First Consul, and apunless indeed England itself throws obstacles in peared under considerable agitation. He the way, by refusing to accede to the propo- returned with me to his Cabinet, and though sals of Russia, which after all could not af- he told me he was pressed for time, he suffect the engagements of his Britannic Ma- fered me to relate the circumstance without jesty, who, according to the express condi- interruption. I endeavoured to make him tions of the treaty, is to evacuate the island sensible that this measure was merely preof Malta within three months, placing it un- cautionary, and not in the least degree inder the guard of the Neapolitans, who are tended as a menace. I concluded my obserto garrison it, until the definitive arrange- vations by repeating that it was merely a ments of the Order are settled. It should measure of self-security, founded on the artherefore seem impossible, and it would be maments which were carrying on in the ports without example in the history of nations, of France and Holland, remarking at the were his Britannic Majesty to refuse to exe- same time, that had not even these armacute a fundamental article of the pacifica- ments been as notorious as they were, the tion, of the very one, which, in the draw- very circumstance of the First Consul's deing up of the preliminaries, was considered termination to augment so considerably his as the first, and as requiring to be settled army in time of peace, would have been a previously to every other point. Indeed, full and sufficient motive for such a measure the First Consul, who cordially relies on the of precaution. M. de Talleyrand now inintentions of his Britannic Majesty, and can- formed me that he was already acquainted not suppose them to be less open and ge- with the business; that a messenger had that nerous than those with which he is animated, morning arrived, who had brought him a has hitherto been unwilling to attribute the copy of the message, which he communidelay of the evacuation of the island of cated to me. I could draw from him no reMalta, to any other than to maritime cir- ply whatever to my observations. He concumstances. The undersigned is, therefore, fined himself strictly to the assurance which charged to require explanations on this point, he has so repeatedly made, that there was no and he is persuaded that the British ministry foundation whatever for the alarm which was will be the more anxious to furnish such as felt by his Majesty's ministers; that the First will be satisfactory, as they must be sensible Consul was pacific; that he had no thoughts how necessary they are for the maintenance whatever of attacking his Majesty's domiof harmony, and how important they are nions, unless forced to do so by a commencefor the honour of the two nations. The ment of hostilities on our part; that he should undersigned avails himself of this opportu- always consider the refusal to evacuate Malta nity to renew to Lord Hawkesbury the assur- as such a commencement of hostilities; and ances of his high consideration. that as we had hitherto hesitated to do so, he was justified in adopting the measures which might eventually be necessary. He disclaimed every idea of the armaments fitting out in the Dutch ports having any other destination than to the colonies, and concluded that for his part, he could not comprehend the motives which had necessitated a resort to such a measure on the part of his Majesty's government. He then desired leave to go to the First Consul, promising that he would let me know the result when we met at dinner at the Prussian minister's. He did not come there till near seven o'clock, and when we rose from dinner, he took me aside, and informed me, that although the First Consul had been highly irritated at the unjust suspicion which his Majesty's government entertained, yet he would not allow himself to be (Signed) F. ANDREOSSY. Portland-place, 10th March, 1803. Paris, March 12, 1803. No. 42.-My Lord, The messenger Mason arrived yesterday morning early, with your lordship's letter of the 7th, informing me, that in consequence of the preparations in the ports of France and Holland, which, though avowedly intended for colonial service, might, in the event of a rupture, be turned against some part of the British dominions, his Majesty had judged it expedient to send a message to both houses of parliament, recommending, in terms void of offence, the adoption of such measures as may be consistent with the honour of his crown, and the security of his dominions, and at the same time such as will manifest his Ma |