assurances of the high consideration with which navigation and destination of their vessels, and of every thing which may relate to the service in which he is employed. For which purpose, they are to exhibit to him their liNo. 6.-Translation of a Letter from M. cense, clearances, passports, and are punc- Talleyrand to Gen. Andreossy, dated Paris, 9th tually to conform themselves to all the regu- Nivose, An 11. communicated by the latter to lations he may require. The First Consul Lord Hawkesbury, in answer to a verbal Remoreover enjoins the minister plenipotentiary presentation, which had been made by him to the of the French Republic at London, to ap- French Ambassador.—I received with your prize the British government of Citizen letter of the 2d of this month, citizen ambasChépy's appointment, and to require their ap-sador, copy of a circular letter, and of a series probation thereof as vice-commissary aforesaid, in order that he may freely exercise his functions, without any lett or hindrance whatever; offering perfect reciprocity towards all those who fhall in like manner be recommended to him. Given at Paris, in the national palace of the Consuls, under the seal of the French Republic, the Thermidor, 10th year. The First Consul of the French Republic, By order of the First Consul, of questions that I had directed to several commissaries of French commercial relations, residing in foreign parts; and this letter is merely in reply to that part of your's which relates to this circumstance. You inform me, that the passages underlined are those which appear to have excited the mistrust of the English government, by whom my packet was opened. You will readily have observed, that the part of my letter which was the most strikingly underlined, was the close of it, wherein I recommended the commissaries not to consider the task I required of them as Minister for Foreign Affairs. forming a part of your official correspondence, No. 5.-Copy of a Note from Lord Hawkes- but to write at the top of their answers, Pribury to M. Otto, dated Downing-street, Sept.vate Correspondence. To enable you to judge 18th, 1802.-Sir, I have the honour to ac- of my motives, and to give every satisfaction knowledge the receipt of your letter of the 15th to Lord Hawkesbury, if you think it of suffiinstant, inclosing the commission of Mr. cient importance, it will be sufficient to tell Chepy as vice-commissary of commercial re- you, that the informations I am defirous of lations, on the part of the French Republic, for collecting, are intended for the completion of the islands of Guernsey, Jersey, and Alderney. a work in the nature of that intitled, the " Ba1 desire you to be assured, that his Majesty's lance of Commerce." This object forms no government have uniformly been, and continue part of the labours of any of the branches of to be, solicitous to see the commerce between the department for foreign affairs; it is entirethis country and France renewed upon a just ly the business of men of letters. The quesand equitable footing: it has therefore afford- tions which I have put, are with a view to ed them sincere concern to learn, that their verify the information already obtained by disposition in this respect has not as yet been other information; and the commissaries of met by a corresponding disposition on the commercial relations are better qualified to part of the French government; but that the furnish me with it, than any one. This commerce of his Majesty's subjects, in the trifling matter forms no part of their ordinary ports of France, is in a very uncertain and employment; and for that reason is not classed precarious state, and is exposed to numerous with their communications, which ought alvexations and difficulties. Under these cir- ways to be made in the regular form. My cumstances, his Majesty is under the neces- design rather is to enforce the execution of it, sity of postponing the recognition of any com- than to allow a departure from it. This is an mercial agent of the French Republic within invariable principle with me. But the mere his dominions, until some commercial arrange- reading of my letter, and of the questions anment, either definitive or provisional, can be nexed thereto, sufficiently prove how fastidiagreed upon by the two governments. The ous it would be to attach to them any greater expectation of receiving more satisfactory in- importance than what is due to a work strictly formation upon this important subject, has hi- literary and I was so little desirous of avoidtherto induced me to defer returning an answering their publicity, that I at first entertained respecting the commission of M. Coquebert the idea of having them printed. I have the Montbret, as commissary general of commer honour to salute you. cial relations on the part of the French Republic. But having been disappointed in that expectation, I request you, Sir, to consider the determination of his Majesty, as stated in this letter, to be equally applicable to M.Coquebert's nomination. I desire you to accept the CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND. No. 7.-Minute of a verbal Communication from Lord Hawkesbury to General Andreossy, dated Jan. 11, 1803.-Lord Hawkesbury informed he French ambassador, that, in consequence of the representations which had been No. S.-Memorandum: June 1st, 1803.No order to quit his Majesty's dominions was sent to any of the persons stiling themselves "commissaries of commercial relations," except to M. Chepy, at Guernsey. Papers No. 1, 2, and 3, respecting the Maltese No. 1.-Translation of a Letter from the Mal- made on the subject of the French commissaries | pences incurred during the first months of of commercial relations, by his Majesty's go- the revolution, for the support of our bat vernment, it was their determination, not to talions, and the loss of six millions of crowns, allow those persons to execute any of the sufficiently refute the atrocious calumnies functions assigned to them by their respective with which the author of the Answer to the commissions, nor to proceed to the nominal Manifesto of the Friory of Russia has endeaplaces of their destination; and in the event voured to load us. The falsehood confutes of their attempting to proceed thither, to di- itself; since it was notorious to every one, rect them to quit the King's dominions. In that the plan of the invasion of Malta was order, however, to obviate the necessity of projected at Paris, and that it was entrusted having recourse to these measures, his Ma- to the first Knights of the Order resident at jesty's government trusted that the French Malta. They continually received letters government would, of their own accord, di- written in cypher, without exciting any alarm rect these persons to return to France. either in the late Grand Master de Rohan, or in the Grand Master Hompesch. After these irrefragable facts, judge, my lord, whether the Maltese people will see, without astonishment, and with indifference, the authors of their misfortunes returning into their country, to dispose of their interests? If we ourselves were willing to keep silence, the ashes, still warm, of those who died to free and conquer their native land, would cry out to us more effectually to defend our rights and the cause of truth. Yes, my lord, we dare to afirm, that the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem cannot be re-established in Malta, without invading the just rights of the august descendants of Charles the Fifth, and the rights of the Maltese, and exposing the latter to new convulsions. The Maltese people, distinguished of old for their fidelity by their ancient sovereigns, have been equally dis tinguished in these late times by their energy and their love for justice. They easily sacrifice their resentments, but they require that My Lord, It is with the most lively grief their sacrifices should be acknowledged. In and the utmost surprise that the Maltese proof of which, my lord, permst us to recall people have been informed of the severe and to you, the quiet submission which the Malunmerited fate which awaits them, in the re- tese displayed in the capitulation made by turn of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem to the English general with Monsieur Vaubois. the islands of Malta and Gozo. The defec- Our blood, our labours, our rights, and all our tion and treachery of which that Order be- interests, were either forgotten or despised. came guilty, will form an æra in the annals We beheld, with an exemplary calmness, of the world, as striking as that which now commanding respect in those who witnessed replaces us under its despotic dominion, not-it, the French lay down their arms upon withstanding that it betrayed us to an army glacis, only to load themselves with the reunfaithful to its promises and engagements. mainder of our spoil; so that the faithful and The judgment which posterity will pronounce virtuous Maltese was reduced to a condition to upon this transaction, will be no panegyric on envy the lot of the guilty and rebellious. the age in which we live; and we anticipate Would we could withhold from our descendthe complaints and the reproaches which our ants, the knowledge of a capitulation, which latest descendants will direct against us, if a wounded our rights and rendered us unhapbase timidity should induce us to be silent py! It is true, that the presence and the before the just and magnanimous tribunal, wisdom of Captain Ball, to whom we then at which we have the benefit of appealing. preferred our complaints, contributed much We refrain from alledging the motives, which to the alleviation of our distresses; but as would justify our resentment towards the Or- subsequent events have neither seconded our der of St. John of Jerusalem. The blood expectations or our wants, we cannot conceal that has been shed; the deaths of twenty from you, my lord, the unfavourable imthousand of our fellow citizens, in conse- pressions which the preliminaries of peace quence of the greatest distresses; the ex- have given us, of a government, to which the we have always been desirous to prove our attachment, our fidelity, and our preference. We know, my lord, that it is not for us to influence political transactions. Nature has destined Malta to be determined by relation to its position and its strength, and not to decide on its own arrangements. But it is, nevertheless, for policy to consider its numerous population. Russia, France, and all the other powers of Europe, are too just and too enlightened to condemn the conduct of the Maltese, in their opposition to the reestablishment of an Order, which, by its tyranny, treachery, and corruption, is for ever incapable of inspiring confidence, or of conciliating the minds of the people. If, therefore, my lord, the people of Malta are doomed, by inevitable and imperious circumstances, to endure the pain and affliction of being separated from the empire of his Britannic Majesty, and if the tranquillity of Europe demands that the islands of Malta and Gozo should be placed in a condition of neutrality, we entreat you, my lord, in the name of our constituents, and of every thing most dear and sacred among men, in the name of the rights of nations and of justice, to beseech his Britannic Majesty to vouchsafe to employ his efficacious and powerful mediation with the other powers, in order that the islands of Malta and Gozo may be left in the enjoyment of their independence, under the mutual guarantee of Great Britain and France, and not be treated as a conquered country after that their inhabitants have spilt their blood and exhausted their substance in its defence. You must be sensible, my lord, that, in our quality of deputies, we could not avoid submitting to your excellency the wishes and the intentions of our nation. In citing a part of the crimes of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, we have not merely sought to give vent to our feelings, but to justify, in the face of the whole universe, our eternal opposition and vigorous resistance to it, should it ever dare to appear again amidst our hearths, still wet with the blood which it has caused to flow. Deign, my lord, to employ your credit with his Britannic Majesty, in favour of justice, of truth, of humanity, and of a nation worthy of a different fate; and accept, if you please, the homage of the most respectful devotion, with which we have the honour to be, my Lord, &c. &c. Le Marquis Testaferrata. Ph. Castagna, Lieut. des Villes, &c. No. 3.-Minute of the Measures taken respecting M. Chépy.—On the 14th of November, 1802, a letter was written, by Sir George Shee, under Lord Pelham's direction to General Gordon, commanding at Guernsey; which stated, that his Majesty had refused to allow any of the persons stiling themselves "commissaries of commercial relations," to exercise any of the functions appertaining to that office within his Majesty's dominions. On the 5th of February, 1803, General Gordon was instructed to represent to Mr. Chepy, that as none of the commissaries of commercial relations had been permitted to proceed to the places of their destination, and that some of them had actually returned to France, it would be advisable for him also to repair to that country. On the 9th of March following, General Gordon was directed to order Mr. Chépy to quit Guernsey without delay, if he had not already taken his departure from it. OFFICIAL PAPERS ON SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH THE PRELIMINARY AND DEFINITIVE TREATIES, AND THE LATE NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN GREAT-BRITAIN AND THE FRENCH REPUBLIC. Published by Order of the French Government. PART I-THE PRELIMINARIES OF LONDON. AS soon as the changes which took place in France, on the 18th of Brumaire, were established, the sole desire of the First Consul was to give peace to the world; and he was anxious to determine on the means of doing it. The most direct, appeared to him to be the best. He could not believe, that, after eight years of a war, the result of which had destroyed the hopes of those who had undertaken it, those powers which had been most determined in the contest, did not feel the necessity of terminating those calamities which seemed to have no decisive point, and were without the promise of any adequate compensation. He imagined, that a false dignity, and the prejudices attached to old political systems, might hinder the belligerent parties from advancing the first propositions; and as the pacification of Europe depended upon their being made, he did not hesitate to do it. He accordingly addressed letters to the Emperor and to the King of England. The letter of the First Consul to the King of England was conceived in the following terms: and the note which accompanied it, were expressed in the following terms: London, Downing-street, Jan. 4, 1800. Sir, I have received and presented to the inspection of his Majesty the two letters that you addressed to me. His Majesty, seeing no occasion to depart from the forms so long established in Europe on the business which is transacted between different states, has commanded me to return you, in his name, the official answer which is inclosed in this note. I have the honour to be, with high consideration, &c. &c. GRENVILLE. Paris, 5th Nivose, 8th Year. Being called by the wishes of the French nation to fill the chief magistracy of the republic, I considered it becoming me, on taking possession of my charge, to make a direct communication of this circumstance to your Majesty. The war which has, for eight Downing-street, Jan. 4, 1800. years, ravaged the four parts of the world, The King has given frequent proofs of his ought not to be eternal; and surely some sincere desire for the re-establishment of a means might be employed to come to a right permanent tranquillity in Europe. He has understanding on the subject. How is it not been, nor is he now engaged in any possible that the two most enlightened na- contest from false notions of glory. He has tions of Europe, and whose power and had no other views than to maintain, against strength are more than sufficient to secure all aggression, the rights and happiness of his their own safety and independence; how can subjects. It is for these objects that he has they sacrifice to ideas of vain glory, the wel- hitherto contended against an unprovoked atfare of commerce, interior prosperity, and tack: it is for the same objects that he is comevery comfort of domestic life! How is it pelled to continue the contest; and he enterthat they are insensible to the truth, that peace tains no expectation that he can remove this is the first of our wants, and the first object necessity by entering into a negotiation with of our glory! These sentiments must be fa- those, whom a new revolution has so lately miliar to the heart of your Majesty, who invested with power in France. In fact, reigns over a free nation, and whose only from such a negotiation, the desirable object object is to render them happy. Your Ma- of a general peace can receive no advancejesty will perceive, that in this overture I ment, till it is clear and evident that those have no other object than to contribute effi- causes cease to operate which originally procaciously, and for the second time, towards a duced the war, have since prolonged its dugeneral pacification, by some prompt mea- ration, and which, more than once, have sure, and an entire confidence, disengaged renewed its effects. This system, whose from those forms, which, however necessary predominant influence France has just reason they may be to disguise the dependence of to consider as the cause of her present misinferior states, do not conceal any thing, in fortunes, is also that which has enveloped the stronger governments, but the mutual the rest of Europe in a tedious and destrucdesire to deceive. Both France and Eng- tive war: and of a nature unknown for a land, by a misapplication of their strength, long succession of years to civilized nations. may yet for a long time, and to the distress To extend this system, and to exterminate all of mankind, retard its dissolution: but I do established governments, the resources of not hesitate to assert, that the fate of every France have from year to year been lavished civilized nation is attached to the termination and exhausted, in the midst of unexampled of a war which embraces the whole world. distress. Owing to this undistinguishing spiBONAPARTE. rit of destruction, the Low Countries, the There was surely every reason to expect, United Provinces, and the Swiss Cantons, that an overture so frank, so sincere, and so those antient friends and allies of his Maconformable to the interests of the two coun-jesty have been sacrificed. Germany has tries, would receive a direct and favourable answer: but the British government, instead of meeting the question of peace fairly, and acceding to the offers which had been made for a negotiation, entered upon a justification of the war, and enveloped herself in recriminations which it was necessary to combat, though at that moment no hope could be entertained of a discussion begun with such an opposition of opinion. The answer of Lord Grenville to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, been ravaged; and Italy, though snatched from its invaders, has been the theatre of frequent pillage and disorder. His Majesty finds himself under the necessity to maintain a difficult and burthensome contest, to secure the independence and existence of his kingdoms. And these calamities are not confined to Europe alone, but are made to reach the most remote parts of the world, even to countries so far removed by their situation, as well as their interest, from the present contest, that of concerting with his allies a plan ofgeneral and immediate pacification. Unhappily, to the present moment no such security has existed: no pledge of those principles which ought to direct the new government; no reasonable motive to judge of its stability. In this situation, it remains only for his Majesty to pursue, in concert with the other powers, a just and defensive war, which his zeal for the happiness of his subjects will never permit him to continue beyond the necessity to which it owes its origin, or to conclude on any other conditions but those which, in his opinion, will contribute to secure to them the enjoyment of their tranquillity, their constitution, and their independence. GRENVILLE. its existence was probably unknown to those of its government, nor in what hands it shall who are on a sudden involved in all its hor- depose the necessary authority for conducting rors. While such a system predominates, the affairs of a great and powerful nation. and the blood and treasures of a populous His Majesty looks only to the security of his and powerful nation are lavished to support own states, of those of his allies, and of it, it has been proved by experience, that Europe in general: whenever he shall be there is no other way to guard against it, but convinced that this security may be obtained by open and decided war. The most solemn in any way whatever; whether it results from treaties have only prepared the way for new the interior situation of the country, whose aggressions and it is to this determined spi-interior situation caused the original danger; rit of resistance alone, that is to be attributed whether it proceeds from any other circumthe preservation of what yet remains in Eu-stance which leads to the same end; his Marope, of private property, of personal liberty,jesty will embrace with ardour the occasion of social liberty, and the free exercise of religion. In his vigilant attention to the preservation of these essential objects, his Majesty cannot place a conhdence in the simple renewal of general professions, announcing pacific dispositions. These professions have been again and again published by all those who have successively directed the resources of France towards the destruction of Europe; and even by those whom the actual governors of France have declared, from the beginning, and at all times, to be incapable of maintaining the relations of peace and amity. His Majesty will experience a very sensible pleasure, when he shall perceive that the danger which has so long threatened his own dominions and those of his allies, exists no more; when he shall be convinced t at resistance is no longer a matter of necessity, and when, after such a long sucesion of crimes and nistortunes, he shall see better principles predominate in France: in a word, when it ose gigantic projects of ambition, and restless plans of destruction, which have brought into doubt the existence of civil society, are no more. But the conviction of such a change, how agreeable soever it might bejesty, having been offered to the considerato the wishes of his Majesty, must be the result of experience and evidence of facts. In the mean time, the most natural and the best security for the reality and stability of this change, will be found in the re-establishment of that race of princes, who, during so many ages, knew how to secure the internal prosperity of the French nation, and maintain its exterior respect. Such an event would, at the present moment, and in future, remove all obstacles which have been opposed to the negotiation for peace, it would assure to France the incontestible enjoyment of its antient territory, and give to all the other nations of Europe, by calm and peaceable measures, that security which they are now compelled to seek by other means. But, desirable as such an event may be for France, and the whole world, his Majesty does not exclusively attach to it the possibility of a solid and durable peace. His Majesty does not pretend to prescribe to France the form VOL. III. . The French minister replied by a note, in which he combatted and disproved all the allegations of the British government; and which he concluded by renewing the formal proposition of a negotiation, and the offer of passports necessary to carry it into effect. Paris, 28 Nivose, An 8. The official note, dated Nivose 23, an 8, addressed to the minister of his Britannic Ma tion of the First Consul of the French Republic, he remarked with surprise, that his Britannic Majesty relied on an opinion of the origin and consequence of the existing war, which is not altogether correct. So far from France having provoked it, from the very beginning of the revolution she has solemnly proclaimed her love of peace, her indisposition to conquest, her respect for the independence of all governments; and it is not to be doubted, that solely occupied with her own interior affairs, she had avoided to take part in those of Europe, and remained faithful to her declarations. But, by an opposite disposition, as soon as the French revolution had blazed forth, almost the whole of Europe leagued for its destruction; the aggression was in a state of operation long before it became public. Internal resistance was excited; opponents were received with favour; their armed re-unions were encouraged; their secret plots were tolerated; their extravagant de* L |