ment, than it would be for England and his Britannic Majesty, as it might excite a dispo sition towards that republican system, whose forms were adopted by England in the last century; or operate as an exhortation to recall to the throne the family whom birth had placed on it, and a revolution compelled to descend from it. If, at no very distant period, and when the constitutional system of the republic possessed neither the force nor the solicity which it can boast at the present moment, his Britannic Majesty thought proper to propose conferences on the subject of peace, why is he not eager to renew negotia tions to which the present and reciprocal state of affairs promises a rapid progress ? On all sides the voice of humanity and the people implore the termination of a war already distinguished by such great disasters; and whose prolongation threatens Europe with an universal shock, and irremediable evils. It is then to arrest the course of these calamities; or that, at length, their terrible consequences should be imputed only to those who provoked them, that the First Consul of the French Republic proposes to put an immediate end to hostilities, in agreeing to a suspension of arms, and in naming, on both sides, plenipotentiaries who shall repair to Dunkirk, or any other town, not less con veniently situated for the rapidity of their respective communications, and who shall la bour without any delay in re-establishing peace and a good understanding between the French Republic and England. The First Consul offers, on this occasion, to give the necessary passports.

clarations were supported: the French na- | jurious for the French nation and its govern tion was outraged in the persons of its agents, and England set the example in this particular, by the dismissal of the minister which she had accredited. In short, France was attacked in her independence, in her honour, and in her security, long before war was declared. It is to the projects of subjection, of dissolution and dismemberment, which have been prepared against her, and the execution of which has been frequently attempted and, pursued, that France is entitled to impute the evils that she has suffered, as well as those which have afflicted Europe. Such projects, though they have been for a long time with out example in such a powerful nation, could not fail to bring on the most fatal conse-, quences. Assailed on all sides, the republic, was obliged to direct on all sides the efforts necessary for its defence; and it was for the support of its independence that she has cmployed the means which were in her power, and the courage of her citizens. While she perceived that her enemies combined to despise her rights, she depended upon the energy of her resistance; but no sooner did they renounce the hope of seizing them, than she manifested a desire for peace; and if her endeavours have not always been efficacious, if in the midst of those circumstances which the revolution and the war have successively produced, the preceding depositaries of the executive authority in France, have not always practised moderation in the same pro. portion as the nation displayed its courage, it must be attributed to the fatal animosity with which the resources of England have been lavished to consummate the ruin of France. But if the wishes of his Britannic Majesty, as he assures us, accord with those of the French Republic, and are for the establishment of peace, why, instead of making an apology, Downing-street, 20th January, 1800. does he not do his utmost to terminate it? and The official note transmitted by the miniwhat obstacle is there to prevent a reconcilia-ster of foreign affairs in France- and received tion, whose utility is general and acknow-by the undersigned the 18th of the current ledged, above all, where the First Consul of the French Republic has personally given so many proofs of his eagerness to terminate the calamities war, and of his disposition to maintain a rigid observance of treaties already concluded? The First Consul of the French Republic cannot doubt that his Britannic Majesty will acknowledge the right of nations to change the form of their government, since it is the exercise of that right by which he holds his crown but he cannot comprehend on what view of this fundamental principle, on which the very existence of political societies depend, the minister of his Britannic Majesty has been able to adopt that conduct which tends to interfere in the interior concerns of the public, and which is not less in

CH. MAU. TALLEYRAND. This note was followed by the ensuing re ply from the English government:

month, has been submitted to the King. His Majesty cannot avoid expressing the impres sion he felt, observing that in this note, the unprovoked aggressions of France, which are the sole cause and origin of the war, are systematically defended by those who now govern it, under the same injurious pretexts by which they were originally attempted to be disguised. His Majesty will not enter into a refutation of allegations which are not generally developed, and which (inasmuch as they relate to the conduct of his Majesty) are not only in themselves altogether devoid of foundation, but equally contradicted both by the interior evidence of events, from which they spring, and by the formal testimony given at the time, by the government of France it

Vienna, 9th August, 1800.

self. With respect to the objects of the note, | to break the negotiations began at Paris, and his Majesty must refer to the answer which to destroy the effect of the preliminaries he has already given. He has exposed, signed by General St. Julien. To attain this without reserve, the obstacles which, in his object, England demanded to take a part in judgment, deprive the present moment of all the negotiations; and Lord Minto presented hope of desiring any advantage from a nego-at Vienna a note, which the Austrian minister tiation. The motives to treat which are immediately forwarded to Paris, and which brought so forward, and on which so much is conceived in the following terms: confidence is placed in the French note, the personal dispositions which are there said to The undersigned envoy extraordinary and prevail for the conclusion of peace, and the minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Mafuture preservation of treaties, the power to jesty has not failed to transmit to his court, affirm the effect of the dispositions which are all the communications which have been supposed to exist, the solidity and continu-made to him, by order of the Emperor, by ance of the newly-established system, after such a rapid succession of revolutions; all these things are points which cannot be known but after the test which his Majesty has already required, the result of experience, and the evidence of facts. With this sentiment of sincerity of frankness and solicitude, for the very necessary establishment of peace, his Majesty has pointed out to France the most certain and prompt means to attain this end; but he has declared in terms equaily explicit, and with the same sincerity, that he does not entertain a wish to prescribe to a foreign na tion the form of its government; that his thoughts are alone directed to the surety of his own states and of Europe; and that at the first moment when, in his judgment, he can satisfactorily look forward, in any manner whatever, to attain the essential object, he will manifest an earnest desire to concert with his aliies, the means of an immediate and general negotiation, for the re-establishment of the general tranquillity. His Majesty adheres firmly to these declarations, and it is only upon such bases, thus established, that his duty to maintain the security of his subjects, will allow him to renounce that vigorous system of defence, to which, under the favour of Providence, his kingdoms owe that security of their possessions which they at present enjoy.

GRENVILLE. There was now no occasion to continue this negotiation, since England did not conceal her intentions of waiting for those interior changes which she foresaw in France, before she would listen to overtures of peace. It was absolutely necessary, therefore, to continue the war: a general armistice between the French and Imperial armies was concluded in the month of Messidor. The preliminary articles of peace were even signed at Paris, between France and Austria, by the minister for foreign affairs on one part, and General St. Julien on the other: but England wishing still to retain Austria in her alliance, and entertaining the hope that, from the sus pension of hostilities, she might extract some means of continuing the war, endeavoured

his excellence the Baron de Thugot, relative to the correspondence which has taken place between his Imperial Majesty and the French government, respecting the overtures of peace. The undersigned is, in consequence, charged to testify the satisfaction that his Britannic Majesty has derived for this mark of confidence on the part of his Majesty I. and R. The undersigned does not delay, after the authority he has received, to declare, that his Britannic Majesty being anxious to give to the Emperor and to all Europe, the most evident proofs of his cordial and perfect union with his Majesty I. and R., and the value he attaches to the constant preservation of the good understanding and intimate friendship which are so happily established between their crowns and people, is disposed to concur with Austria in the negotiations which may take place for a general pacification: and to send his plenipotentiaries to treat of peace in concert with his Majesty I. and R., as soon as the intention of the French government to enter into a negotiation with his Britannic Majesty shall be made known to him.

MINTO.

The First Consul, though he might have. mistaken the intention which dictated this tardy measure, gave it a very favourable interpretation. But to prevent the admission of England into the negotiations with the Court of Vienna, from being the occasion of delay, he required that England, before it bec..me an integral part in a general negotiation, should previously agree to a suspension of hostilities with France, as was the case with Austria. This proposition was expressed in a note sent from Paris to Citizen Otto, commissary for the exchange of prisoners, and which he was to deliver, announcing at the same time, that he was furnished with the necessary powers and instructions to negotiate and conclude the proposed armistice. The terms were as follows:

London, 6th Fructidor, An 8. His Imperial Majesty having communi cated to the government of the French Republic, a note from Lord Minto, envey ex

tination. 7. Spain and the Batavian Repubic are comprised in the present armistice.

This proposition certainly bore sufficient testimony of the most open and liberal dispo sitions towards a prompt conciliation: but it appeared that the British government had not at that period, the design to enter seriously into negociation, and that its only object was to gain time for Austria: for citizen Otto having insisted on an official answer, received the following note from Lord Grenville :

traordinary and minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty at the court of Vienna, by which note it appears to be the desire of his Britannic Majesty to see the war terminated which divides France and England, the undersigned is specially authorised to demand of the Ministers of his Majesty further explanations on the proposition transmitted by the court of Vienna; and as it appears impossible that, at the moment when Austria and England should take a common part in the negociations, France should be under a suspension of arms with Austria, and remain in a state of hostilities with England, the under-vernment that the proposition made by the signed is equally authorised to propose that a general armistice should be concluded between the armies and fleets of the two states, adopting, with respect to places besieged or blockaded, measures similar to those which have been adopted in Germany; as at Ulm, Ingolstadt, and Philipsbourg. The under signed has received from his government the necessary powers to negociate and conclude this general armistice. Отто.

Downing-street, 29th August, 1800. M. Otto having informed his Majesty's go

court of Vienna to fix at Luneville, the conferences for the proposed negociation respecting a general peace had been acceded to by the French government, nothing remains at present but to express the consent of his Majesty to that proposition; and to declare in consequence, that a person duty authorised will be sent to Luneville by order of his Majesty, to unite himself with the Plenipotentiaries of Austria and France, as soon as the This note occasioned great emotion in the passports for such a minister and his site shall British cabinet. Before an official answer be received; provided that the French gowas given to citizen Otto, M. George, Com-vernment should be disposed to make the nemissioner of the Transport Office, was sent to him, to ascertain his powers, and to enter upon a preliminary discussion with him on the elements of the negociation. It was in these conferences that M. Otto stated, that the negociations for peace would be held at Luneville; and repeated, that the British plenipotentiary would be admitted to them as soon as it was agreed that there should be a suspension of arms between France and England; which should be founded on that now existing between France and Austria, and be reduced to the following conditions:

Article 1. There shall be a suspension of hostilities between the fleets and armies of the French Republic and those of Great Britain. 2. The ships of war and all trading vessels of both nations shall freely navigate without being subject to any visit, and follow the usage established before the war. 3. After the 10th Fructidor, all the vessels of both nations which may be taken shall be restored.

4. Malta, Alexandria, and Belle Isle, shall be assimilated to Ulm, Philipsbourg, and Ingolstadt; that is to say, that all trading vessels, neutral or French, may take provisions thither, 5. The fleets which block Brest, Cadiz, Toulon, and Flessingue, shall re-enter into the ports of England; or, at least, keep cruising from the view of the coast. 6. English of ficers shall be dispatched directly to the three admirals who respectively command in the Mediterranean, the fleet before Malta, and the blockade of Alexandia. They shall traverse France to arrive the sooner at their des

cessary engagements, that the Plenipotentiary of his Majesty shall enjoy full liberty to communicate without restraint, and in the usual manner, by a courier with this country and those of his Majesty's allies. As to the proposition for a general armistice by sea and by land between Great Britain and France, the King would rejoice at the moment, when he could with propriety adopt any measure whose immediate effect would be to put an end, at least for some time, to the calamities of war: but an armistice, applied to naval operations, having not in any instance been concluded between Great Britain and France, in the course of their negociations for peace, or before the actual signature of preliminaries, consequently, a similar step cannot be considered as necessary to negociations; and from the disputes which would inevitably arise respecting its execution, there is every reason to fear, that it would serve rather to obstruct than facilitate the success of those efforts

which the two governments might make for the restoration of peace. Besides, it must be considered that the circumstances which accompany a naval war, are evidently not of a nature to admit of those nicely balanced arrangements, which are so readily established with regard to military operations, where the latter are suspended by a convention. It appears, then, at all events, to be premature to enter even into a discussion on this question, till, from the course of negociations, it may more clearly appear, that a satisfactory result may follow. But at all events, there can be

blished principle of such arrangements. This principle is, that the respective position of the two parties should remain during the continuance of the armistice such as it was at its commencement; and that neither of them should by its operation acquire fresh advantages or new means of annoying his enemy, such as he could not otherwise obtain. The difficulty of doing this with the same precision in the case of naval operations, as by land, has already been adverted to in a former note; and it constitutes a leading objec tion to the measure itself. But the French projet, instead of attempting to remove or

over might hereafter be considered as admit- posed to regulate the conditions of such an ted. The articles which an Austrian officer Armistice, as far as the nature of the case will charged with no such commission, was per-allow, in conformity to the obvious and estasuaded to sign at Paris, do indeed appear to his Majesty but little calculated to terminate the calamities of Europe. But whatever be the tendency of the conditions which the French government has here specified, there can be no pretence for representing them as preliminaries concluded by Austria, or annulled by the intervention of his Majesty, The engagements by which the courts of London and Vienna have agreed not to treat except in concert with each other, were concluded before there was any question of these pretended preliminaries of peace. And the first intimations which his Majesty received of their signature were accompanied by the ex-lessen these difficulties, departs at once, and press declarations of his ally, that they were wholly unauthorized, and must be considered as absolutely null. The French government could indeed expect no other determination to be taken by his Imperial Majesty. The want of all powers or instructions for such a treaty, on the part of the Austrian officer, was at the time distinctly notified by him to those who treated with him, and is declared even on the very face of the paper which he signed. With respect, therefore, to the supposed demand of his Majesty to be admitted to those negotiations, nothing more is necessary to be said. The note delivered to M. de Thugot by Lord Minto, sufficiently explains the part which his Majesty is really disposed to take in any negotiation which may be regularly set on foot for general peace. The King has always been persuaded that the result of such a negotiation can alone effectually re-establish the tranquillity of Europe. Experience has confirmed this opinion; and it is only from the conviction of its truth that his Majesty has now been induced to waive his strong objections to the first proposal of a naval armistice, and to enter into the discussion of the conditions on which it may be established. His Majesty, judging from the experience of so many former negotiations, considers such an armistice as in no degree likely either to expedite or facilitate an arrangement of the direct interests of Great Britain and France. He views it in no other light than as a temporary advantage which it is proposed to him to yield to his enemy, in order to prevent the renewal of continental hostilities, and thereby to contribute to the conclusion of a general peace. And on this ground, notwithstanding the many disadvantages which he is sensible must result to this country from such a measure, he is resolved to give to his allies and to all Europe this new pledge of the sentiments by which he is actuated; provided that his enemies are dis

in every article, from the principle itself, although expressly recognized and studiously maintained in the continental armistice which is there referred to as th foundation and model of this transaction. It is proposed, in effect, that the blockade of the naval ports and arsenals of the King's enemies should be raised; that they should be enabled to remove their fleets to any other stations, and to divide or to collect their force as they may judge most advantageous to their future plans: the importation both of provisions and of naval and military stores is to be wholly unrestrained. Even Malta and the ports of Egypt, though expressly stated to be now blockaded, are to be freely victualled, and for an unlimited period, in direct contradiction to the stipulations of the German armistice respecting Ulm and Ingolstadt, to which places it is nevertheless professed to assimile them; and this government is expected to bind itself towards the allics of France even before any reciprocal engagements can be received from them; while, at the same time, all mention of the King's allies is, on the other hand, totally omitted. To a proposal so manifestly repugnant to justice and equality, and so injurious not only to his Majesty's interests, but also to those of his allies, it cannot be expect ed that any motive should induce the King to accede. The counter-projet which the undersigned has the honour to transmit to M. Otto, contains regulations in this respect more nearly corresponding with that principle of equality on which alone his Majesty can consent to treat. Even those articles are, in many important points, and particularly in what relates to the actual stations of his Majesty's squadrons, very far short of what his Majesty might justly demand from a reference to the general principle above stated, from analogy to the conditions of the continental armistice, or from the relative situation of naval force; and a confidence is re