law, and that Sir William Osborne had declared his intention to move a question upon that part of the British Act which restrained the import of glass into Ireland from any other country than Great Britain, but that it was apprehended their motions would not be made according to the notice.

Agreeable to that supposition, Sir Richard Johnston mentioned on Tuesday, that he should leave his motion relative to Poyning's law to another member of greater abilities, to propose on a future day.

And Sir William Osborne yesterday, when the house was thin, rose to postpone his motion relative to the British Glass Act, mentioning his hopes that the conduct of the British Parliament would make it unnecessary. Sir William contends that the above mentioned Act should be repealed, not in part but in toto.

Mr. Conolly, upon this, stood forward with great zeal, energy and firmness, declaring that all questions which had a tendency to prevent the perfect good understanding and union of the two kingdoms, ought to be postponed till the 1st of August. He added that at a time when we were contending with powerful enemies, the minds of men were not sufficiently cool to undertake an alteration in the constitution; that he did not doubt but that there were many points in which both the constitution of this and the mother country might be mended, but that times of peace were the proper ones for those purposes; that if such questions were proper in the present session, this was the time for bringing them forward, according to the notice which had been given to the House, and not when addresses and instructions had been prepared in the country by those whom too many in the House endeavoured to inflame.

Mr. Grattan followed Mr. Conolly, and said that this was the time for constitutional relief, when commercial relief

had been obtained, and that when Great Britain was at war, advantages for Ireland were to be looked for; but that it was necessary for members to wait for the opinion of their constituents, in all constitutional matters, and that no man should hazard the bringing on a constitutional question of such magnitude, without being assured that it was the general sense of the public. The House then adjourned till to day.

I shall hope to receive the act for carrying into execution the third resolution of the British House of Commons, before the Parliament here shall adjourn for the circuits, so as to found upon it such an address to his Majesty from both houses, as shall defeat the plan of opposition to obtain instructions, &c. And if that opportunity does not offer, I shall endeavour to find some other, for the House of Commons to express their disapprobation of such proceedings, and their attachment to Great Britain.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday last, Lord Carysfort gave notice that he should bring on his motion for leave to bring in heads of a bill for regulating the army on Monday next, which will I apprehend be rejected with little difficulty; and the heads of the Nullum Tempus Bill went through the committee without opposition.

I have the honour to be, &c.

BUCKINGHAM.

LORD HILLSBOROUGH TO THE LORD LIEUTENANT.

MY LORD,

St. James's, 22nd February, 1780.

I have received the honour of your Excellency's despatch of the 17th instant, and at the same time under another cover an account of exports of provisions from the port of Cork from the month of September to the 14th of this month, together with copy of a letter from Mr. Davis to Sir Richard Heron.

The king sees with concern that any member of the House of Commons intends at so delicate and critical a time as this is, to agitate in Parliament questions that may in their consequence interrupt the harmony and affection between Great Britain and Ireland, which his Majesty wishes to strengthen and increase by every means in his power. I have the greatest pleasure in acquainting your Excellency that Mr. Conolly's zeal to co-operate with this desirable purpose, expressed with so much energy and firmness in the House of Commons, is very satisfactory and acceptable to his Majesty.

The Irish Trade Bill went through the Committee of the House of Lords this day, and two or three days more will enable me to transmit it to your Excellency as a British Act of Parliament, which I trust and hope will give complete satisfaction to the kingdom of Ireland; a few days will also enable me to return the Dissenters' Bill, as I understand it will pass the Council here without alteration. This Bill will give satisfaction to a considerable body of His Majesty's subjects, who on many accounts deserve his royal attention.

I think it almost impossible that the Bill intended to be brought in by Lord Carysfort, for regulating the army, should pass the House of Lords, as it cannot answer any good purpose whatever, and is big with the greatest mischiefs. What your Excellency mentions with regard to Sir William Osborne's wishes relative to the Glass Act, I will not fail to mention in the proper place, but rather fear it will be too late.

I am,
&c.

HILLSBOROUGH.

It would be unjust to say that there was any want of gratitude for favours conferred, or indif

ference for concessions obtained, still less any national antipathy in the minds of the people of Ireland at this period; but the extension of trade and the repeal of the restrictive laws (like many other measures subsequently passed) came too late, and not till the country had gone through depths of misery; they were procured with so much difficulty, and after such obstinate political struggles, that those who were gainers almost considered themselves victors in a just war, rather than rivals in a civic contest-that they were indebted for success solely to their own virtue, and when the balance had been turned, it was after iron had been added to the gold by their imperious masters, and thrown into the scale to make it preponderate against the rights and liberties of their country; thus it was that apprehension of insecurity caused the volunteers to press for ulterior measures, instead of resting satisfied with commercial acquisitions.

Every effort was now made to signalize the event of passing the Free Trade Bill, which had received the royal assent in England in the month of February. Government circulated the Act throughout all parts of the country, and the civic authorities in Dublin issued orders for an illumination in honour of their success. The joy was general, but it was viewed very differently by the two contending parties-the ministers and the people. The former had been led by their

Attorney General, (Mr. Scott) to believe that Ireland would ask for nothing more, and would rest content with commercial acquisitions; Government accordingly flattered themselves with the hope that this would be a final measure, and give not merely general satisfaction, but would ensure silence and give future repose to Ireland. The sentiments of the Viceroy appear in the following letter; and the events that ensued will show how much he miscalculated.

THE LORD LIEUTENANT TO LORD HILLSBOROUGH.

MY LORD,

Dublin Castle, March 2, 1780.

Late on Tuesday night I received by Heslop, the messenger, the honour of your Lordship's letter of the 24th past, signifying that his Majesty had been pleased, on that day, to go in person to Parliament, to give his Royal Assent to an Act to allow the trade between Ireland and the British Colonies, &c., and enclosing to me twelve printed copies of the Act. This fresh instance of his Majesty's paternal regard to the welfare and interests of his Majesty's subjects of this kingdom, claims from them the liveliest sentiments of gratitude, and it is with great pleasure I acquaint your Lordship, for his Majesty's information, that so soon yesterday as this event was made known to the House of Commons, it was received with the warmest and most cordial acknowledgments of his Majesty's goodness, with thanks to his ministers, and the most affectionate expression towards the parliament and people of Great Britain.

A resolution for an address to his Majesty, of which I herewith transmit a copy to your Lordship, was moved by