in the public mind as a negociation would be very disagreeable to all parties. The idea of negociation would suspend all the operations of Parliament, and would end in the unconditional and total repeal of the 6th of George I. without so much grace as would attend an immediate and unsuspicious repeal. You know enough of Ireland to say that such a proposition would end in nothing but disappointment; it would throw us on the defensive. No English law, nor judgment, nor decree, can be executed without the consent of the officers of the Courts of Ireland; they will never consent, they dare not consent; because they are, in common with the rest of the nation, covenanted to stop the execution of such things. The powers, legislative and jurisdictive, are become impracticable. We have rendered them so ourselves, and all we ask of England is, that she will withdraw a barren claim;-that we may shake hands with her. But we cannot pay for that; we cannot pay to get rid of a barren claim, which now takes away our confidence, rather than our liberty. There must occur to you another very strong argument against a negociation; viz., that we have nothing to yield in negociation. We cannot negociate away the freedom of our trade, nor of our Constitution; we cannot establish perpetual regulations more favourable to England than to Ireland, with regard to commerce; a fluctuating subject which cannot be ruled but by occasional laws. We cannot give revenue to England for our rights, for many reasons: first, because we have it not. The revenues of Ireland, on the closing the account this year, wanted more than 250,000l. of supplying the expenses of the nation. We have for these eight years regularly made unsuccessful efforts to raise revenue to income. Every new tax has fallen infinitely short of the estimate; and upon a view of the produce of commercial taxes, it will be found that the commerce of Ireland is not a subject of further taxation.

As to land, you know how such a proposition would be received, and how ill men would relish a land-tax in retribution for withdrawing a claim which cannot be enforced. The great expense of England would not feel that Irish subsidy which would stop the growth, inflame the passions, and totally banish that glow of affection and expectation with which Ireland now waits to shake hands with England for ever.

We can give nothing but affection, which is better and more valuable to England than any stinted, reluctant revenue, wrung from a country who asks for nothing but her right, and must be in the exercise of that right for some time before she can be in the possession of affluence. If we are not able to pay for the recovery of that right, it is because we have been so long deprived of it.

Contemplate for a moment our resources, if England, or the ministers, should put our right in a train of negociation. We retire within ourselves, preserving our allegiance to the Crown as annexed to England, and in perfect obedience to all the laws of Ireland; but we do not execute English laws nor English judgments; we keep to our covenants and our associations, consume our own manufactures, keep on terms of amity with England under the law, with that diffidence which must exist, if she is so infatuated in support of a claim to take away our liberty. All this is consistent with the law of the land, though not with the interest of England, nor the cordiality of both countries. My great object is to put an end to that painful state of mind, and that alienated sentiment, which a negative or a negotiation founded on our ultimatum would inspire; and, therefore, I do most ardently submit (wishing to put an end to all jealousies, disputes, and settlements with the British nation, and desirous, above all things, next to the liberty of this country, not to accustom the Irish mind to an alien and

suspicious habit with regard to Great Britain; knowing, as I do, that Ireland will not negotiate upon rights to which she is now committed, and knowing that she has nothing effectual to give, except affection)-I say, I submit, that the unconditional repeal is the only wise and brilliant measure. Yours, most sincerely,

HENRY GRATTAN.

In consequence of this very remarkable and urgent letter, Mr. Day waited on Lord Shelburne, and, as he expresses it, was received, as well as the important subject of which he was the bearer, with the most distinguished courtesy and complacency, and Lord Shelburne took up the subject with the warm feelings of an Irishman, and the anxiety of a sincere patriot."

The following was the reply of Mr. Fox to Mr. Grattan:

SIR,

MR. FOX TO MR. GRATTAN.

Grafton Street, April 27, 1782.

I have received the honour of your letter of the 18th inst., and am exceedingly obliged to you for it.

The business of Ireland becomes so very important, that it would be imprudent in me (especially as it is not within my department), to give any direct opinion upon the various points which make the subject of your letter. What I do think myself at liberty to say is, that it is my ardent wish, that matters may be so settled, as to give satisfaction to both countries; and, above all, that whatever settlement is made, may be so made as to preclude all

future occasions of dispute, between two nations upon whose mutual union the prosperity of both so unquestionably depends. That as close a connexion may subsist between us as the nature of the case will admit, must be my wish as an Englishman; that this connexion may be such as may consist with the liberty and happiness of Ireland, I must wish as a Whig, and as one who professes to hold the natural rights of mankind far more sacred than any local prejudices whatever. I am sure I share these feelings in common with your Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary; and if ever you should think it worth while to inquire into my political sentiments upon any point, you may always be pretty sure of them, when you know those of these persons.

With respect to the last part of your letter, I can have no scruple to say, that it gives me the greatest degree of pleasure; because, whatever measures may be pursued, I am certain no government can have the confidence of the people, while it has the misfortune to reckon the most brilliant talents, and the most respectable characters, among the number of its opponents. I differ very widely indeed from Mr. Eden, who seems to consider an opposition of less importance, in proportion to the virtue and character of those who compose it. Pray give my best respects to Lord Charlemont, and believe me to be, With great truth and regard,

Sir,

Your obedient humble servant,

CHARLES JAMES FOX.

254

CHAPTER XII.

Mr. Grattan and the Lords.- Vexatious expense of appeals.-History of the transaction.-Lords Pery and Charlemont.-Mr. Fitzgibbon.— Mr. Scott-His remarkable speech.-Mr. Grattan succeeds in a final judicature for Ireland.-Resolutions of support. His reply to an address from the Clanricarde volunteers.. - Letters from Mr. Grattan to Mr. Fox and Mr. Day.-Letter from the Duke of Portland to Mr. Fox.-Mr. Fitzpatrick on the foregoing topic. His letter to Mr. Grattan. The best objects gained in the best manner.-Character and conduct of Mr. Fitzpatrick.—The patriots trust to Mr. Fox, but keep clear of the court.-Noble character and conduct of Mr. Fox.His treatment of Ireland.

WHILST matters were thus auspiciously proceeding, Mr. Grattan and Mr. Daly wrote to their friends, and canvassed both in England and Ireland, in order to procure supporters for the claim to the entire of the measure. Mr. Grattan's friend, Robert Day, on this occasion, as always, was most active and zealous in the cause.

The principle having been agreed upon, they applied to the Upper House; but here, (strange to say) they found it most difficult to reconcile the Lords to their own privileges. Mr. Grattan used jocosely to say of them, "I carried the Lords upon my back and a heavier load I never bore.