in the Lords, stated that "the late defiance thrown out to the subjects of this country, containing an indirect aspersion of their constitutional proceedings, and a weak effort to deter them from securing liberty, should incite you the more to insist on the two great measures you have in contemplation. I conceive these to be the ultimatum of Ireland."

These measures were, the modification of the law of Poynings, and securing the country against the illegal claims of the British Parliament; and accordingly he pledged himself to bring forward, after the recess, a declaration of the Rights of Ireland.

The view which his Majesty and the British minister took of these proceedings, and which was so unfavourable for the liberties of his Irish subjects, will be seen from the following letter of Lord Hillsborough to the Lord Lieutenant, where he intimates the commands of the King, to stop in Council the transmission of the measures proposed by the Commons. A proceeding of this sort, so unconstitutional, so harsh, and so tyrannical, fully justified the remark made by Lord Camden to Lord Charlemont, in 1782, when, comparing the situation of Ireland to that of America, he observed, that "America had been lost by bad governors, and the fate of Ireland might be similar."

LORD HILLSBOROUGH TO THE LORD LIEUTENANT.

MY LORD,

St. James's, March 28, 1780.

I have the honour to enclose to your Excellency the King's answers to the addresses of both Houses of Parliament to his Majesty. These addresses, as I before mentioned to your Excellency, were both graciously received by the King; but you will easily observe, that the last paragraph of the Lords' address, which is so clear and explicit with regard to their intentions, has been particularly pleasing to his Majesty. I hope, however, the difference between the two addresses is a difference in style only, not in sentiment; but if I should be mistaken, and there should be any latent design of making attacks upon the Constitution, or any intention farther to delay the granting of the supplies in the usual manner, his Majesty and this country will surely have reason to complain, that they have been disappointed in the expectations they had a right to form, of a proper return for the great advantages granted to Ireland.

If this should be the case, the King, with the unanimous advice of his confidential servants, has commanded me to signify to your Excellency, that it is expected from you, that you do oppose and resist any such attacks in every stage of their progress, in order to prevent, if possible, any propositions for innovations upon, or alterations in, the Constitution, from being transmitted to this country.

CHAPTER II.

Feelings of the various parties on the subject of the Declaration of Rights. Mr. John Forbes.-His conduct and character.-Mr. Flood. -His conduct on this great question.-Anecdotes of him.-Mr. Grattan's conduct.—Attempts to dissuade him from moving the Declaration of Rights. —Application from Edmund Burke. — Lord Charlemont's proper conduct.-Dean Swift.-Vanessa's Bower.— Mr. Grattan retires to his uncle Marlay at Celbridge Abbey.-Description of the spot.-Verses upon it by Mr. Grattan.-His account of the motion.-Lord Lieutenant's letters of the 12th and 19th of April respecting Mr. Yelverton's motion on Poyning's Law; and Mr. Bushe's on the Mutiny Bill.—Mr. Grattan's resolutions declaring the rights of Ireland.-Skill of Mr. Burgh on that occasion.-Lord Lieutenant's letters of 20th and 21st April containing an account of the Debate.

THE debates and discussions in a writ of Parliament, and the various proceedings connected with carrying the measure of free trade had given new life to the people; they began to awaken, and the country became, in some degree, roused to a sense of her situation; men at last thought they had a country; but the upper classes still remained cautious and timid. By the aid, however, of the patriotic party in Dublin, resolutions and addresses were circulated through the country. Mr. Grattan drew up several, and they were proposed at the respective meetings by the volunteers. The high principle and sentiment which

they breathed, the temperate and firm tone in which they spoke to the people, diffused a national spirit throughout all classes. Men now wondered at their former tameness and systematic depression; they, at length, dared to think they belonged to a nation, and that their country should be free.

When these virtuous sentiments had taken root and spread around, Mr. Grattan thought the season had arrived for bringing on the question of independence. But here he found all his party opposed to him. They all censured him for his rashness and imprudence. Messrs. Burgh, Daly, Ogle, Pery, and the Ponsonbys, were adverse: they could not be seduced, but they were mollified and afraid. Lord Charlemont, too, was rather timid; but he evinced a delicacy on the occasion which well became him, and for which he deserved great credit; for he did not, like the rest, seek to dissuade Mr. Grattan from bringing forward the question, he only recommended him to consider it well; he thought the measure too bold, and the country not yet ripe for it.

ence.

Mr. Fitzgibbon, though he had been friendly to free trade, was hostile to the question of independSome had offered to oppose the measure; many had yielded; and the Government had nearly softened them all; so that they would have remained satisfied with the measures the country had got; for they had gained great credit by them,

and they feared to risk their reputation, and put to sea again on such a stormy ocean.

The efforts of the Lord Lieutenant were strenuous; the orders from England imperative; "obstare in limine," was the principle to be adopted, if necessary, to be acted on, and if an opening was afforded, to be enforced with every severity. The commands from St. James's, as the letters of the ministers show, were to resist every alteration in the constitution, and not even to transmit any such bills to England.

In the midst of this political chaos, one man remained unmoved, unterrified, undaunted John Forbes; he was stedfast and inflexible from first to last; he stood by the principle throughout; and when the question came on, he delivered one of the best speeches on the occasion. This individual was incorruptible; he was one of the most amiable and estimable of men; mild and gentle in his nature and in his manners, but firm and honest of purpose. He was offered place, and he refused it. He supported all the questions regarding Irish freedom with great ability. He proposed the Place-Bill and the Pension- Bill. By the latter he limited the pensions to 80,000l., and thereby restrained the extravagant proceedings of the Government, whose excesses had been very great, and who found themselves much straitened by this salutary measure. He served the people faithfully, and his name should