Mr. BLANTON. These are excerpts of sworn testimony which has been collected and is given by Gov. Brown. He has given the names and the exact facts in his statement of the testimony.

Mr. SPROUL. As a judge, would you admit that in a court of law as testimony; would you allow me to read that and allow it to go into the record?

Mr. BLANTON. If it was a case of conspiracy, involving the president of this particular union, going back through a course of years, where people would come and testify as to what members affiliated with the union had done, certainly it would be admissible.

Mr. SPROUL. That is all I want to know. I do not want to fill up the record with something that nobody will pay any attention to. I think that your statement, in answer to my question, will do more good than two or three pages of that in the record.

Mr. BLANTON. I doubt it.

At Milwaukee, Wis.:

Charles Kasper testified that he was followed by two strikers, who attempted to strike him. Previous to this occurrence eight of the strikers followed him all the way home; two of them followed to his gate and in presence of his wife called him "dirty scab" and many other vile and filthy names.

Three apprentice boys employed by the National Brake & Electric Co. were assaulted. Affidavits were secured, but no arrests were made becasue of fear of the apprentice boys to testify against their assaulters, who were union pickets.

William Harriman testified that he was stopped by strikers and pushed off the sidewalk and called vile and filthy names. At another time he was assaulted by pickets and received a blow which blackened his eye.

Steve Chrobat testified that on going home from work, one Schmidt and two other strikers, pickets, accosted, threatened, and assaulted him. Schmidt was afterwards convicted for violating the injunction in this assault and sentenced to imprisonment. John Duroby testified that he was accosted by one Kirby. Kirby and another man, both being pickets, followed him, striking him on the back of the head, knocking him down in a ditch, afterwards taking his overcoat and running away.

Richard Comerford was attacked by strikers and beaten into insensibility, head and face battered, and several of his teeth knocked out. He was unconscious when picked up and taken to the hospital.

The killing of John Feeley. Three strikers, members of the union and former employees of the Vilter Co., resigned from the union and returned to work for their old employer in the morning. At night, as they, Glasseknapp, Otterson, and Knell, were going home from their first day's work, one Lavin and Feeley, and an unknown striker, lay in wait for the three men named in an alley in a lumber yard. Feeley and the unknown man jumped out and began an assault on them, and in the melee that followed, Feeley drew a revolver and shot Glasseknapp in the arm, fired a second shot, which left powder grains under the skin of one Johnson's face, and was about to fire a third shot at the officer, who was protecting these men when the officer shot and killed Feeley. The coroner's jury exonerated the special officer, their verdict being justifiable homicide.

Thomas Gagnier was a union molder in the employ of Allis-Chalmers Co., prior to the strike, and went out with other union members. He resigned from the union and returned to work for the company. While standing in his kitchen, a revolver bullet fired from the street, through the window, by an unknown person, struck him in the thigh. As a result of this shot, he is partially crippled for life.

John Gondeck testified that while on his way home he was grabbed by the arm by one Bureta, who said, "You used to be one of our brothers," then struck him a violent blow in the face, inflicting a bruise. There were five other men with Bureta. Gondeck's wife saw the assault, and ran out of the house with a pistol to protect her husband, and his assailants thereupon ran away.

Henry Flaherty was walking with his brother Daniel when they were met by about 20 strikers, who knocked the brothers down, pursued them to their home, and one, James Henry, a striker, forced the door partly open and was ejected, and again returned and pounded on the door, terrifying Henry's wife.

Michael Langer, union molder, was fined $20 and costs or four months in prison for breaking into a foundry and smashing molds. He was caught in the act.

Herman Koretz was assaulted and beaten by union pickets, who led him into a saloon. He was struck and kicked and one of his arms injured, rendering him nearly insensible. Alfred Blake testified that as he was leaving work he was set upon by several strikers and struck several blows about the head and face, and one striker struck him over the head with a heavy stick.

At Columbus, Ohio:

John Holmes testified that he was surrounded by five striking molders, who demanded of him that he should not disclose the names of any spies to the company's officers, whom the union would put in the works under pretense of being nonunion molders; that he would suffer injury if he did so. They seized hold of Holmes and tried to force him up the stairs to the union hall. One of the strikers struck him a heavy blow over the right eye and another of them, one Miller, held a large jackknife in his hand. Holmes broke away and ran for safety. He was frequently threatened and urged to assist in injuring the employees by tampering with the molds, so that the molten metal would explode and burn the employees.

William Harriman testified that he was stopped by strikers and pushed off the sidewalk and called vile and filthy names. At another time he was assaulted by pickets and received a blow which blackened his eye.

At Chicago, Illinois:

Michael Miller testified that about midnight stones were thrown through the front windows of his house by striking molders, shattering all the glass therein. Stones were again thrown through his windows and against his house, causing him to move away and keep secret his next place of abode.

Ernest F. Zitzewitz, president Sheffield Foundry Co., testified that his company was making castings for the Allis-Chalmers Co., and while so engaged, one James Brown, representing the Iron Molders' Union, called and said to affiant: "You have got to shut down on that work. Our men have orders not to do any Allis-Chalmers work, as that is a struck shop." Affiant avers that he regarded said Brown's instructions as a direction or order which would be enforced if necessary by boycotting against his company, by calling a strike of the iron molders and coremakers employed therein, or by other coercive measures. Affiant further avers that he refused to continue to do any work for said Allis-Chalmers Co. although he greatly desired to do so.

Charles R. Smith testified that this same James Brown sent the following written notice to Jas. Brady, Manager Reedy Foundry Co.:

"Having recognized the patterns in your shop, known as Sullivans, and knowing them to be Allis-Chalmers Co.'s patterns, and recognized by our organization as struck work, I hereby notify you to stop making any more castings off those patterns. "JAMES BROWN, Representing Iron Molders."

Mangus Hanson testified that on going to work he was approached by the secretary of the Iron Molders' Union for Chicago, who said to him: "Well, I see that you are scabbing; you had better get out of there; if you don't, we will get you."

John Literak and Joseph Klum testified to like threats by the secretary of the molders' union.

Steve Zmrazak testified that two men, whom he had seen picketing the plant many times, approached him; one of them said: "You will have to stop working there." The second man struck him several violent blows on the right side of his face, knocking him down. On arising the other man struck him and knocked him down again, and thereupon both men jumped on him and kicked him about the head, shoulders, and body until he was unconscious. His face was covered with blood, lips badly swollen, and side of his face and nose badly swollen. As a result of this he was compelled to leave his employment.

At Buffalo, New York:

There were 12 affidavits made in Buffalo, of which I quote:

"Joseph W. Fisher testified that he was followed to the street car by one Reindfliesch and other strikers, who called out: 'There are the scabs!' Reindfliesch and other strikers then raised their hands, and Reindfleisch, holding an open knife, struck affiant's brother, cutting him on the thumb. Affiant was also cut on the lip. Affiant and his brother were then set upon and pounded by the strikers. The main assaulter in this case was arrested and tried before a magistrate and put upon probation without fine or punishment.

"Caroline Campbell testified that Lehman and Rowan, striking iron molders, came to her house at night, entered and said: 'I hear talk that you are harboring nonunion men. I want to warn you, lady; I don't want to make you trouble, but you have got to get rid of those men. This was accompanied by vile and profane language.

"Clarence A. Trader testified that on going home from work in the foundry, one Rowan, a member of the Iron Molders' Union, and a picket at the Buffalo Foundry Co. plant, stopped him and asked: ‘When are you going to leave town? You know where Joe Crosson is; we'll put you where he is if you don't leave town before Saturday night.' Affiant avers that by saying: 'We will put you where Joe Crosson is,' said Rowan meant that he would be killed. By reason thereof affiant was in fear of going

to and from work."

(NOTE.-The Crosson referred to in the foregoing affidavit was a nonunion iron molder who was killed during the first few days of the strike."

At Kansas City, Kans.:

Assaults upon defenseless women and the families of nonunion workmen were among the atrocities committed by striking iron molders in Kansas City during the course of the strike. Extracts from 5 out of 20 affidavits made by nonunion employees follow:

"R. B. Sheridan testified that he was met by a crowd of 15 men, the majority striking molders, who stopped him and called him 'scab' and made insulting remarks. As he boarded a street car, they assaulted him, knocked him senseless, and inflicted severe and permanent injuries.

P. T. Kinman, special policeman, testified that he heard members of the iron nfolders' union threaten to do different employees of the company bodily injury; that all the employees of the company were in constant danger of assault by members of the union.

John Ryan testified that affiant, his wife and son, were assaulted by members of the union because he refused to quit work for the company. His wife was knocked down, his son was struck in the side, and affiant himself was struck on his head, and all were severely injured; that members of the molders' union were constantly about the plant of the company, followed the employees, cursed them and applied vile, vulgar, and insulting epithets to all of employees seeking to intimidate them.

W. H. Pickford testified that members of the union threatened, insulted, and intimidated him when he refused to quit work. Affiant and one Mrs. Ryan were accosted by strikers. Affiant was assaulted and injured by one of the strikers. They were called "scabs" and vulgar and profane names; that one member of the molders' union was fined for striking, Mrs. Ryan.

John M. Busby testified that on leaving work in the foundry he was followed by a mob of strikers, surrounded, and forcibly stopped, insulted, and called "scab" and other vile, obscene, vulgar, and profane names. This crowd got on the car with him, crowded about, and threatened to kill him. He was struck in the back of the neck and severely injured.

Mr. SPROUL. Can not we have some case in the District of Columbia? These extracts have all been from outside the District. I want to know what we are trying to get at, something for the District of Columbia or for the United States. I notice that we have not had a case which has occurred in the District, which we are trying to cover by this bill.

Mr. BLANTON. Do you object to this evidence?

Mr. SPROUL. I do not know. I am just asking the question, what are we trying to arrive at. As I stated at the commencement, I do know whether this is a proper thing to go into the record or not. We have a bill here prohibiting picketing in the District of Columbia and this morning we have spent all the time on something that has happened outside of the District.

Mr. WHEELER. Your idea, Mr. Blanton, is that what will be of benefit to the States outside of the District will be good for the District?

Mr. BLANTON. Certainly; and vice versa.

Mr. SPROUL. There is no question about that.

Mr. BLANTON. Picketing is the same everywhere. It is contended by the American Federation of Labor representative here, Mr. Wallace, that "peaceful picketing" does no harm, that they should be permitted to continue picketing places. He denies that we ought

to stop him from picketing. I want to show that it leads to bloodshed and that it leads to lawlessness, murder, and anarchy.

Mr. SPROUL. I do not think there is anybody who denies that statement.

Mr. BLANTON. Here [indicating] is the representative of the American Federation of Labor. If he will admit that picketing means bloodshed and lawlessness I will quit right now offering any other testimony.

Mr. WALLACE. I will not admit that.

Mr. BLANTON. You see, he will not admit that.

Mr. WHEELER. On the other hand, is it not possible and very probable that at times-I do not know, of course-that the labor organization that has ordered a strike would instruct their men, at least they should try to prevail on the union men, to do no harm, to be peaceful and have no trouble. Are there not cases right diametrically opposite to what you have read here? I know we have had cases in my section of the country where there was no trouble at all where there was picketing. I know of a case that happened last year, but, of course, I can see your point in bringing out the statements from these different witnesses, and your contention is that picketing is a bad proposition at any time?

Mr. BLANTON. Certainly. Here is the question, gentlemen: Say, that we have picketing here in Washington to-day, the employers will say, "We will sign up the contract; what do you want? We will give you anything you want." Then there is no bloodshed. Then there is no trouble; but the whole burden is shifted upon the shoulders of the people. The great unfortunate circumstance of it all is that most of the strikes have ended that way, ended by the employers giving in and letting the people bear the burden. It is only where the employers have refused to give in that the trouble from picketing has ensued. It is in the interest of the workers themselves, as well as that of the public, that I am trying to get this bill passed, because these strikes are not in the interest of the workers, but they are in the interest of a few highly-paid labor leaders.

Mr. SPROUL. I should like to ask Mr. Wallace a question right there. Mr. BLANTON. Please first permit me to read a little article from the Washington Herald of Monday, May 30, 1921, yesterday's Herald, under the following headline: "Builders' tribute $1,000,000 annually."

CHICAGO, May 29.

Crooked union labor agents levied a toll of $1,000,000 a year for the last four years on Chisago's building industry, Assistant States Attorney George Gorman revealed to-day.

These agents, said Gorman, would call strikes of unsuspecting workers, and then levy a tribute to settle the industrial dispute.

Two hundred alleged members of Chicago's "industrial underworld" are now under indictment. Among these are many business agents and building material men, who are said to have plotted with the agents to keep supplies of rival contractors

Mr. SPROUL. May I answer that?

Mr. BLANTON. Yes, sir.

Mr. SPROUL. I have been an employer of labor in the city of Chicago for 41 years, in the building business, and have built some of the best and largest buildings in the city. I have always dealt with union labor. Never during all those 41 years have I paid or been asked for one cent of graft. Ihave heard of graft and men have been convicted,

and some of them have been sent to the penitentiary, and a lot of them have been held for the grand jury. That is the proper phrase, "held for the grand jury"?

Mr. BLANTON. Yes, sir.

Mr. SPROUL. In all that experience I have never been asked for one dollar of graft nor have I been approached.

Mr. BLANTON. Do you know why? Because they knew you would not stand for it.

Mr. SPROUL. Whether they knew it or not, that statement should be carefully confirmed.

Mr. BLANTON. You mean to say that this press item is a false report?

Mr. SPROUL. I do not know whether it is false or not.

Mr. BLANTON. It is given out by the assistant State attorney, George Gorman.

Mr. SPROUL. I have known Mr. Gorman for some time, lived neighbors, and he is a very splendid fellow. For years there has been an investigation on in Chicago on account of graft. In my opinion the employer or the owner of the building who contributes to that thing is more guilty than the agent who takes the money. If they convict the laborite thay should convict, in my opinion, the man who gives the graft.

Mr. BLANTON. We agree with you. They have been doing that in New York. You remember the result of the strike in New York? Mr. SPROUL. Yes, sir; we have sent men to the penitentiary. May I ask Mr. Wallace a question?

Mr. Wallace, it has been stated that in Chicago murder and the destruction of property have come about through picketing. What is your answer to that?

Mr. WALLACE. My answer is that the purpose of picketing is not the destruction of property and is not murder and is not violation of law of any kind, but if it occurs incidentally to picketing there is a law to punish those crimes.

Mr. SPROUL. It does occur. You know it occurs. We have in almost every big strike more or less slugging and murder.

Mr. WALLACE. I have heard of slugging incidental to strikes. Mr. SPROUL. But you know that it does occur; you can not help knowing it?

Mr. WALLACE. In general activities where disagreements occur there have been cases of law violations. For those cases of violation there is a law. I deny that it is necessary that there should be a law passed to prohibit men from telling other men that there is a strike at this plant, and that is what this picketing law would do.

Mr. SPROUL. But do you not know personally that there has never been a big strike where there has been picketing that somebody has not been slugged or murdered; do you not know that?

Mr. WALLACE. I think the contrary. There have been many strikes where there has been no one injured. I can tell you of many such cases.

Mr. SPROUL. Please tell us of one big one?

Mr. WALLACE. I will tell you, sir. In the strike of the coal miners in Colorado there was no violence on the part of the miners but on the contrary there was violence on the part of the men hired by the companies in order to prevent those men from informing the men brought in there that there was a strike on.