the House from whence the hon. gent, had spoken, described him as a new convert, and observed that, like a young soldier, he had fired his musquet too soon. When a measure was brought forward that was new, various in its operations. and depending upon a thousand different causes, the effects of which were impossible to be foreseen, time ought to be allowed to discuss it. This was a bill which it had been thought necessary to read a first and second time the preceding day. It was a measure in such a hurry, that not a moment's time was to be lost in debating it; but it was impossible, in point of fact, that a measure like that of. arming the nation could be carried on with such speed. It must proceed with regularity; it was 'ike the seven ages described by Shakspear. The bil must first be prepared; it must then be brought in; it had to go through the forms of the House; first and second readings; committed; third reading; and the same stages in the other House; it must then be passed, after which it was to be sent the country to be carried into execution. Then there followed such a clattering, such a bustle, and tumult: what with the various duties of the tything man, the lord lieutenant, and the deputy lieutenants the whole business was as confused as a horse-race. The tything-man was going to the school-master to read the act, an the school-n aster to the

to

justice to understand it. In short, before this bill could produce the men, the enemy might be at the door. It would be some time before w had the men in their shoes, but how long it would be before they became soldiers, "seeking reputation in the cannon's mouth," he could not say. At present we had an army only on paper. He referred to the journals and placards, observing, that, at the beginning of an invasion, he wished for something better than paper bullets. The co. ntry was not to be defended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer's coming vapouring down to the House, exclaiming, Do not be afraid! I am the man. Something like him, who, when he was told up stairs, the house was on fire, said, What! and I here! After the right hon. gent. had set the four corners of the world on fire, it was not his coming down with his little bucket, or thimble full of water, that would extinguish the flame. He next referred to the waitings and principles of his friend Mr. Cobbett, in whom he pronounced a panegyric; stating, that be had met every bad revolutionary principle by principles of the most good, loyal, and virtuous tendency, and that he (Mr. Cobbett) deserved to have a statue of gold erected to his memory. As

to the mode of carrying the bill into execution, he was of opinion, that if ministers combined the higher orders, and left the lower orders to themselves, they would put the defence of the country upon a bad footing. He desired to know how the volunteers were to be combined. Was it to be a mixture of the old and the young. the robust and the weak, the husband and man of family, and the single man, the enervated with the strong. If this was to be the system, the volunteer corps would be merely places of reluge from that service which the prerogative of the King might call upon every man for. It was provid ng a place of retret for those who wished to avoid service. He therefore deprecated the force of the country being converted into volunteer corps! he admitted that the bill might be good of bad. according as it as executed.

Mr. Sheridan, in reply to the observations that he was a new convert, asked the hon. gent, whether it was a new situation for him to come forward and state his opinion when the country was in danger? Did he call out like the hon. gent. "restore me and my friends to power, or the country cannot be saved?" Was it new to him to

be an advocate in the cause of the country? The hon. gent. bad accused him of firing his musquet too soon; he had, however, returned the fire. He ought to apologize to his Majesty's ministers for the danger into which he had brought them, but happily the hon. gent. had fired his musquet, but had forgot to put ball in it. The hon. gent. commanded a fine piece of artillery, which was formidable whenever he had recourse to it; but he was so fond of squibs and crackers, that he seldom did any execution. It was not long since the hon. gent. had stated, that there was no spirit in the country, and that journals lagged in rousing its energies. Would he have had these bills brought in at that time? He had said, the people of England were a degraded, base, and lost people. Was that the time for bringing forward such a measure? No; it was more likely to be attended with effect, by having been brought forward after the spirit of the people had been excited. With regard to that clattering and race-course bustle the hon. gent, had described, he was glad to hear that noise of the machinery of the bill, but it was with regret he had heard the hon. gent. speak of it with disgust and rebuke. The hon. gent. had called the placards of the enemy paper bullets, and had said what a time for Buonaparté to come! It was to be hoped he would not come the sooner in consequence of what the hon. gent, had said, but if he

did, he would find that the measures adopted by ministers had already produced an army of 100.000 volunteers. The hon. gent. regretted the measure had not been brought forward sooner, but he could have no substantial reason for his regret, except that he would have had three times so many opportunities of abusing ministers. His system had been a system of discouragement, which, if it had been followed, would have led the country to despair, and prostrate itself at the feet of its eneiny. He had said, that there was no salvation for the country, except by a particular individual being minister; that the country had nothing to fight for ; that after the disgraceful treaty of Amiens, the country had received, on the part of honour, kicks innumerable; that it had nothing like glory or honour for which to contend. This was one of his modes of discouragement. The next was to lay down, by most laborious demonstration, that no irregular force could contend with the regular. That such a force as we had, was impossible to resist such a force as the enemy could tring against us. The next was, that nothing could be done for the country till the present ministers were out-that they were an incubus, a night mate and that the more that was given them, the worse they were. He then referred to what he described as the hon. gentleman's silly panegyric upon Mr. Cobbett, and the erection of a statue of gold to his honour. [Here Mr. Windham said something in a low tone of voice.] Mr. Sheridan continued. The hon. gent. he said, seemed to mutter at this; nay, he groaned; he was glad to hear him groan. However, he hoped, he would go on with his statue of gold, and make it colossal statue; but he advised him not to solicit subscriptions at the Royal Exchange; it was not likely he would be very successful there, for, he believed, in one of that gentleman's papers, he had observed, that he had observed, that the stocks could not exist if the monarchy existed. It was not very probable that the writer of such a sentiment would be popular in that wealthy city, where any subscription could be raised with effect.

very

Mr. W. Smith said, he approved of the bill in its original shape, because it conveyed the idea of the whole mass of the people being trained. He wished the training to extend to every class, as the country might be placed in a situation in which it would be necessary all should be ready to act. He was aware there might be some persons less to be trusted than others, but he was persuaded the people at large were loyal. He observed that

the volunteer force was dispersed over the whole country, and might not be easily drawn together at the point where it was wanted. He liked the original measure, because it was to make us an armed nation. There was besides an advantage in having an indefinite force, if it was ascertained the enemy might be able to bring a force adequate to meet it.

Mr. Archdall stated, that Mr. Cobbett, in his Journal, had asserted, there were not 18,000 men in Ireland, and that France had only to send four ships of war, with as many troops as they could convey, in order to take possession of that cuntry. Now was this a sentimeni for which a man ought to have a statue of gold? It was not an attempt to set fire to the four corners of the world, but to the four corners of Ireland. If his Majesty's ministers ought to be dismissed, let gentlemen move to that effect. If they did not possess the confidence of the House they would be dismissed; but at a time like this, to go on embarrassing ministers was useless and unavailing.

Mr. Windham said a few words in ex planation.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was with reluctance he protracted the discussion, feeling that gentlemen might be better employed; he should be sorry to fix on himself the imputation of having delayed by unnecessary observations, those exertions that were necessary for the safety of the country. An hon. gent. (Mr. Smith). had stated his opinion of the bill under a wrong impression. He had stated that the force for the defence of the country would be understood as definite. It was not so, but remained as indefinite as by the ori ginal bill. The present measure was only to enable his Majesty to relieve particular districts when there were such a number of volunteers as should be deemed sufficient. By the operation of this bill, there would be a force voluntarily disciplined, not disciplined under the apprehension that they might be drafted into the ranks. He knew it was the duty of every man to serve his Majesty any where within the country in case of invasion; but he wished to substitute yolunteer corps, because he wished to see men come regularly into the field. The hon. gent. (Mr. Windham), had gratified and surprised him, by saying, that this was a bill upon which the country might rely, if it was properly executedhe had surprised him, because, when it was first proposed, he had spoken of it with coldness-he had merely said, it was a measure that would not do harm. There * A a 2

was not one mode of defence which that hon. gent. had not spoken of with contempt, except the regular army. Fortunately his authority was not equal to his zeal, or his observations might do considerable harm. Of the militia and volunteer corps, he had spoken in a manner that had excited disgust, and had produced enquiries respecting the conduct of the militia in Ireland, the result of which had been most satisfactory. He referred to Mr. Sheridan's statement of the public feeling, and asked whether, without such a popular sentiment this bill could be carried into effect. He had never heard an imputation of delay without feeling its daring injustice. He knew that the magistrates of the country had heard with astonishment that Parliament had not acted with dispatch. Magistrates could not execute so fast as the House could legi late. He never should cease to be of opinion that the bon. gent. (Mr. Windham) bad, throughout the whole period that bad elapsed since the presenting bis Majesty's message on the 8th of March, done every thing that was calculated to dispirit and dismay the people, and to add to the bopes of the enemy. The hon. gent. himself must have read with mortification, that importance was attached to his opinions by the French Journalists, and that they were sources of exultation to them, as they were of regret to ninety-nine out of a hundred in this country. If the hon. gent. had moved an address to dismiss his Majesty's ministers, he could only have said, that in the course of eleven weeks they had laid the foundation for the largest force that ever existed. If, notwithstanding their efforts, and they had not been wanting, he was of opinion that they were unworthy the confidence of the King, let him claim the opinion of the House; but it was not consistent with his public duty to be continually endeavouring to weaken the confidence of the House towards those in whom his Majesty placed confidence. The language of the hon. gent. before the rupture, was calculated to produce the rupture. He was not prepared to say it was a misfortune we were at war, considering the disclosure that had been made of the enemy's intentions; not that he would go the length of saying war was a preferable state. No. God send it might be soon terminated, but he hoped not one instant, before the enemy should not have a hope left as to the issue of the contest in their favour. When the enemy ceased to have a hope (and they never could till they pened to have interests, which though fo

reign to this country were inconsistent with its safety) then God grant the conflict might cease. He wished to have the beneft of the hon. gentleman's assistance; but let him not attempt to lower government in the eyes of the enemy. He observed, that no change of government could possibly satisfy the bon. gent. but one at which he should be at the head!! It was the opinion of that gentleman, the country could not be saved unless his principies were adopted; but it was to be hoped, there were very few who thought HE ought to be the guide of the counsels of the country!! With respect to the present measure, it enabled his Majessy to retain as much as he thought sufficient of the compulsory part of the bill. It was a measure that would raise an army of 400,000, still leaving his Majesty the means of augmenting it.

Doctor Laurence, in a speech of considerable length, supported the arguments used by Mr. Windham, and censured ministers for the language they had used towards that right hon. member; their conduct, he observed, appeared as if no per-. son was allowed to give his opinion without their licence.-The bill then passed through the Committee, and the report was ordered to be received the next day.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Friday, August 5.

[MINUTES.] The Irish Excise Duty Bill, the Receipt Duty Bill, and the East. India Shipping Bill, were severally read a third time, and passed.

[INCOME TAX.]-In a Committee on the Income Tax Bill,

The Duke of Norfolk rose, and made some observations on that part of the bill which provided that parishes should make good the money with which the collectors might abscond, or otherwise prove deficient. He had not read the bill so attentively, he said, as to know how the matter exactly stood, but from what he could collect from the perusal he had given it, he thought at least the public were entitled to have security given by these men on the appointment to their offices. In page 34, his grace objected to the exemptions in favour of foreigners possessing money in our funds. He saw no good end it would answer. The only effect it could have might be either on the score of good faith, or of policy. As to good faith, in his opinion, there could be no question. If he thought there would be the least breach of national faith, by laying a tax on the funds, he

would be one of the last men in the world to propose or support it. But he could not see it in that point of view at all. When property of all kinds, belonging to persons in this country, was taxed, and particularly when the funds were taxed, considering the diminution that might result from frauds, the question of good faith ought not to enter into consideration. As to policy, he conceived the only reason for not taxing the property of foreigners in the funds was, that it was advisable they should have a stake in them; but from the nicest calculation he had been able to make, the whole property possessed by foreigners in our funds did not amount to more than a tenth of the interest of the national debt, estimating which at 20 millions, their stake would only amount to two millions, which was chiefly possessed by Dutch and French; and a sum so truly insignificant could not be supposed to have an effect in a question of peace or war; for as government would think it worth while to interfere in such a case, there being at this moment, he be lieved, no other representative governments in Europe except this country and Sweden, he thought that at least the money of foreigners in our funds, in cases of purchases made after the passing of this bill into a law, might very fairly and ought to be taxed. He, therefore, should propose an amendment to the following effect:"That property in the funds, belonging to foreigners, should be liable to a tax for purchases made after the passing of this

act."

The Lord Chancellor having left the woolsack, said, that he perfectly coincided in opinion with the noble duke, that a tax of this kind would not, according to the strict sense of the word, be a breach of national faith. If, however, such a construction may be put upon it, considering the fair character this country had always maintained with regard to its pecuniary transactions with foreign nations, though we might be considerable losers from the want of the tax, yet he by no means found himself inclined to accede to the amendment proposed by the noble duke. His lordship reprobated the doctrine which had been held as to the question of national faith, and said, he could not consider it as such, even if there had been a clause in the acts which expressly declared that the funds should not be taxed. The funds, like all other kinds of property, must undoubtedly yield and give way to the exigencies of the times, and must be governed by and subject to that general law which is imposed on all governments en

trusted with the public safety. Foreigners certainly had no other stake at present, than on our justice, and our ability to pay the money when it became due. As to our

selves, we are bound equally to bear our burthens; we were all embarked on board the same bark, and must sink or swim together. Besides, he did not even see that the amendment would be of the least benefit. It would bear equally hard on foreigners, as it would diminish the interest, and thereby lessen the capital. He hoped, therefore, the noble duke would not persist in pressing his amendment.

The Duke of Norfolk said, that he certainly should persist, and if his amendment was not agreed to, he did not know but he should use the privilege of entering his dissent. He highly approved the principle of the tax, and on that account he wished to prevent it from being evaded. At present foreigners might be trustees, and great evasions might follow in consequence of persons in this country, in that way, making use of their names. For instance, a person possessing 3000l. in the funds might appoint a foreigner his trustee, by doing which he would evade a tax; for standing in another person's name, who is not liable to pay, as being a foreigner, the consequence would be, that there would be an apparent deduction from his income of 1501. per annum. He was clearly of opinion that property of all kinds should be equally liable to taxation. Before the funding system was introduced into this country, the land universally paid four shillings in the pound, which was an income tax to a far greater amount than what we now have, which was always considered as an income tax, and which had ever been borne with the greatest cheerfulness. He should, therefore, take the sense of the House on his amendment. A division took place-For the amendment-Contents, 3non-contents, 7-majority, 4.-The bill went through the Committee, and on the report being brought up, the same amendment was proposed, and negatived without a division.

[CURATES' BILL.]-On the question that this bill be read a second time,

The Duke of Norfolk rose to object to it. He said his reason for opposing it was, that the bill militated against a standing order of the House, which was of the greatest importance to their privileges. This order originated at a time when, unhappily, there existed differences between the two branches of Legislature, and the Commons of that day took advantage, when they brought in money bills, to tack other matters to then,