should avail himself of the opportunity, when that bill came to be considered by their lordships, to introduce one to the effect he had mentioned. Adjourned till Monday.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, December 2.

[MINUTES ]-Mr. Wharton, from the Bank of England, presented at the bar, “an account of the number and amount of bank notes in circulation on the 1st of June, the 1st of August, the 1st of October, and the 25th of November, 1803, distinguishing those under 45." Ordered to lie on the table, and to be printed.-On the motion of Sir W. Scott, the stipendiary curates bill was read a second time; committed pro forma, the blanks filled up, the report received, and the bill as amended, ordered to be taken into further consideration on Wednesday next. -Mr. Hobhouse brought up the report of the seamen's desertion bill, which was agreed to, and the bill ordered to be read a third time on Monday next.-On the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the bank restriction bill was read a second time, and ordered to be committed to-morrow. The house then resolved itself into a committee of ways and means; in which, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the following resolutions; that the duty on malt, mum, cyder, and perry, imposed by the 43d of his present Majesty, which was to expire on the 24th of June, 1804, be further continued till the 24th of June, 1805; that the 4s. in the pound to be raised on all pensions, offices, &c. till the 25th of March, 1804, do continue to be raised on the same till the 25th of March, 1805; that the duties on sugar, tobacco, snuff, &c. imposed by the different acts of Parliament, do continue to be further raised upon the same till the 25th of March, 1805. These resolutions were severally put and agreed to.--The Secretary at War presented an estimate of the expence of guards and garrisons, which was ordered to lie on the table. He then gave notice, that, on Friday next, he should submit the army estimates to the consideration of the house.Sir Philip Stephens moved the order of the day, for the house to resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to considér further of a supply to be granted to his Majesty; which being read, he moved, That the several accounts presented, of the ordinaries and extraordinaries of the navy, be referred to the said committee. Ordered.. The house having formed itself into a com

mittee of the whole house, Sir Philip moved; that a sum, not exceeding 2,670,0001. gs. gå, be granted to his Majesty for the ordinaries of the navy, including the half-pay of navy and marine officers, for 1804. Granted; that 948,5201. be granted for building, re building, and repairing ships of war in his Majesty's dock-yards, over and above the ordinary wear and tear, for the year 1804. Grauted.-The chairman was ordered to report progress, and to ask leave to sit again.— Report ordered to be received to-morrow morning.-Sir Philip Stephens gave notice, that he should, on Monday, move to refer the estimates of the probable expense of transports, prisoners of war, &c. to a committee of the whole house. Mr. Vansittart moved the orders of the day, on the report of the committee on expiring laws, which being read, he moved the continuance of all the last regulations respecting corn, permitting the importation, and prohibiting the exportation of it; renewing also the regulations respecting the drawback on the exportation of sugars, &c. and renewing also the regulations respecting various articles that have been permitted to be imported without payment of duty; renewing likewise all the last regulations respecting the trade, &c. of Malta till after peace, &c. which were all agreed to.-Mr. Vansittart moved for leave to bring in a bill to indemnify such persons in Great Britain as have omitted to qualify themselves for offices and employments, and justices of the peace who have omitted to deliver in their qualifications, officers of boroughs, &c. as required by law, &c. Granted. Mr. Vansittart then moved, That there be laid before the house, an estimate of the charges of barracks in Great Britain and Ireland, from the 25th of December, 1803, to the 25th of December, 1804. Ordered. -He concluded by moving an address to his Majesty, praying that he would be graciously pleased to give directions for that purpose. Agreed to.-Mr. Corry gave notice that he would to-morrow, move for leave to bring in a bill for continuing the acts relative to the importation of provisions to Ireland, and also for continuing the sugar act.-The right hon. gent: then observed, that as the act which passed last session, respecting the issue of what is called in Ireland silver notes, would expire on the 1st of January, 1804, and as he thought it necessary to wait for information, from gentlemen of that country, respecting the state of that species of circulating credit, he should, on Monday, move for leave to bring in a bill to suspend, for a limited time, that prohibitory act, in order

to give Parliament an opportunity to receive the desired information.

[CURATES RELIEF BILL.]-The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved the order of the day, that the house do now resolve itself into a committee, to consider of the most effectual and expedient mode of affording a temporary relief to curates, who might be deprived of their cures, by the operation of the clergy residence act, passed last session.

Sir Robert Buxton expressed his opinion, that this was a business which deserved the most serious attention of the house. Nobody, said the honourable baronet, can feel more than I do, the inconveniencies to which that valuable body of men, the stipendiary curates, may for a time be subjected, if no relief can be granted them by the legislature. But whilst I look on this side of the question, and admit the expediency of affording relief to these men, who must otherwise labour under considerable difficulties, I ought not to neglect to glance a little at the other side, and observe the circumstances that form more than a counter-balance to the necessities of the curates, and that is the necessities of the country. In the present situation of the country, so burthened with taxes, to support the arduous contest in which we are engaged, nothing can excuse a compliance with an application of this sort, but the most absolute necessity. In the present instance, I am by no means satisfied, that such a necessity does exist. The clergy, who before kept curates, but who are now compelled to reside on their livings, may very well spare a maintenance for those who were in the habit of performing the duty of their functions, until another provision shall Occur. The clergy are certainly able to afford this expense, as it is notorious, that the value of their livings have of late received a very ample increase. These few observations, I have thought it my duty to throw out at present; at the same time pledging myself, that whenever any subject of expenditure, that is not indispensably necessary, does come before the house in the present circumstances of the country, I shall uniformly and strenuously object to it.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer agreed, that nothing could be more commendable than the cautious jealousy expressed by the hon. baronet, respecting the application of the public money. He was anxious, however, that the house should rightly understand the object of the present motion. It was merely meant to do away an informality which has crept into a similar bill, brought forward last session, even after the commencement of

hostilities, and which passed through all its stages in that house, without having met with one dissentient voice. When the bill for enforcing the residence of the clergy, was under consideration last session, it was generally acknowledged, that its operation must press hard upon a certain description of curates, who might be reduced, both themselves and their families, to great distress, by the passing of that bill. It was not then, neither is it now, intended; to make fall and general compensation to all of that description, who may be deprived of their cures; but merely to rescue from the most ruinous indigence, many meritorious curates, who may be more particularly injured by the non-residence bill. He was as sensible as any gentleman could be, of the propriety of observing a system of rigid economy; but he was as equally satisfied, that the house would not wish that any system of that nature should stand in the way of the generosity, he had almost said the justice, which certain individuals, under certain circumstances, might have to expect at their hands. The house would, no doubt, the more incline to that opinion, when they understood that the sum to be proposed, for answering this object, was not to exceed 8,000l. and that that sum, small as it was, would be under the restrictions imposed by a bill which had already received the unanimous approbation of the house. He had only to repeat, that the object of the bill went merely to procure a temporary relief for indigent curates, and that the amount of that relief was not to exceed 8,0001.-The house having agreed to the motion, the right hon. gent. moved, "that a sum not exceeding 8,0001. be granted for the relief of such curates as should be deprived of their cures in consequence of the bill compelling the residence of the incumbents." This motion was agreed to, and the resolution immediately reported.

[EXCHEQUER BILLS.]-The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a committee of ways and means, drew the attention of the committee to the notice which he had given yesterday, of his intention to move this day, for leave to issue exchequer bills to the amount of five million. He stated, that he had a satisfaction in mentioning, what he had no doubt the committee would feel a pleasure in hearing, that this motion, if agreed to, was the only application that would be made, for any supply, until a very advanced period of the session. He had also to observe with pleasure, that all the outstanding bills of 1802were now paid off; and that those only were in circulation, that were issued on the credit

of the services of 1803, 4,500,000l. of, which remained to be paid off. If the committee acceded to the present motion, there would also be an opportunity for the issue of new exchequer bills, for which there was now a considerable demand. So much would consequently be taken from the supply of the year; but the whole of what he now moved for would be necessary for the public service, till the advanced period of the session, when the whole of the supply was voted. If particular information was called for on any of these points, he should be ready to give every explanation in his power. He concluded by moving, "that the sum of five millions be raised by loan on exchequer bills, for the service of the year 1804." This motion being agreed to, the house resumed, and the report was ordered to be received to-morrow.

[SUSPENSION OF HABEAS CORPUS ACT IN IRELAND.]-Mr. Secretary Yorke. I rise, Sir, in consequence of a notice which I gave a few days ago, for leave to bring in two bills to continue two acts; the one for suspending the Habeas Corpus Act, and the other for the re-enactment of Martial Law in Ireland. The house may be assured, that it is with the sincerest regret for the circumstances which render this measure necessary, that I now come forward to perform this painful duty. I am sorry to be obliged to propose any measure that may trench upon the liberties of the subject, or any of those blessings which this country justly values at so high a rate. But, Sir, it is the misfortune of the times in which we are destined to live, that we are not permitted to enjoy our lives, our liberties, or our possessions, without being daily called upon to sacrifice some part of our privileges in order to preserve the remainder, to sacrifice the best blood of the country in support of the contest in which we are engaged, and to abridge our liberties in order to preserve the existence of liberty itself. But this is no more than our ancestors often thought proper to do. There Exists, however, this lamentable difference, that the periods during which it was necessary to resort to measures of this sort, were extremely short with them; but we can never rest in complete security, nor think either our privileges or our lives in safety, while France, after spreading devastation and death over her tributaries on the continent, looks with malignant envy on this happy spot, and longs to extend her fiendlike fangs to crush us also, and level us VOL. IV.

with the lowest of her slaves. It will be needless for me to state more particularly than I have done, the object of these bills. It will be recollected that they passed towards the conclusion of last session, in consequence of a message from his Majesty, stating the insurrection that had broken out in the city of Dublin, and the atrocious circumstances with which it was attended. The house very properly passed those acts without any hesitation; when passed, they gave confidence to the loyal inhabitants of Ireland, and enabled them to suppress the rebelion with celerity. The particular circumstances which gave rise to and accompanied that most unhappy transaction, has now been developed by the trials of several of the leaders and their adherents, before the ordinary courts of judicature, and according to the ordinary forms of law. The proceedings on these occasions have been published, and to them I refer the house for information whereon to found their judgment, as to the nature and extent of the conspiracy, as well as to the expediency of the present motion. Exclusive of the information contained in these trials, his Majesty's government are in possession of other facts, which the house must feel it would be highly improper to attempt to detail at the present moment. I may, however, be permitted to state, that notwithstanding the declaration of one of them (Emmett), I have every reason to believe, that the leaders of that insurrection were connected with persons residing in France, and those persons, traitors, immediately connected with the French government, if the conspirators were not immediately connected with it themselves. It is also clear, that some of the traitors who were in France, came over to Ireland for the purpose of exciting rebellion, and that they calculated upon the renewal of hostilities between this country and France, and chose that moment for exciting rebellion, as the most favourable crisis for putting in execution their nefarious designs. It is, indeed, clear, from all that has come to the knowledge of government, that the great object of the French government was to foster and increase treason and re-bellion in Ireland, with a hope of distracting and dividing the British empire, and finally leading to the subversion of the country but the perfidy of the enemy was With defeated, and his hope was vain. respect to the events of the 23d of July, the details are before the public, and it is not necessary to enlarge upon them. The

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horrid tale is known; and, perhaps, in all the history of violence, madness, and folly which the world ever presented; there never existed treason more foul, an insurrection more unprovoked, leaders more contemptible, assassination more atrocious, or crimes more horrible.-What followed is extremely well known: most of the leaders have been brought to justice before the ordinary tribunals, which these miscreants wished to put an end to, and exterminate; as evidently appears by their horrible assassination of one of the brightest ornaments of those tribunals. I hope my right hon. friend (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) will shortly have it in command from his Majesty, to lay the situation of the family of the much respected, and much lamented nobleman to whom I have aliuded (Kilwarden), before the house.-Sir, it becomes iny duty to propose the continuance of the acts in question, and I hope that, as far as concerns the manner in which these acts have been made use of, there will be no objection. All the criminals have, notwithstanding the powers vested in the Irish government, been tried in the ordinary form, except in one solitary instance, where a person who endeavoured to seduce a soldier from his allegiance, was justly and properly tried by martial law. Of the necessity for these measures no man can entertain a doubt, who has taken any trouble to make himself acquainted with the state of Ireland, or who is at all aware of the views of the French government, with whom it has been a long favoured plan to attack the empire on the side of Ireland. The encmy is aware that it is only by dividing and diverting the strength of this country, that she can insure success; for united, the British empire single handed, is more than a match for all France. Provided parliament and government be on their guard, there is little reason to fear either foreign or domestic enemies. As to the latter, indeed, I am persuaded there are few, very few now to be found in this country. I regret that there are more in Ireland, although their numbers are greatly diminished. But let their numbers be great or small, they must be met with firmness and resolution. They must be made sensiblé that this house will never compromise with traitors, nor suffer them to clothe themselves with the whole armour of the law, whilst they are secretly attacking the government, and the senate, and al loyal subjects, with the concealed weapons of ss assination.-I therefore move, Sir, "that

leave be given to bring in a bill to continue, for a time to be limited, the suspension of the Habeas Corpus act in Ireland.”

The Hon. C. Hely Hutchinson. With most of the sentiments expressed by the right hon. gent. who has just sat down, I rise to declare my perfect concurrence; and I am happy to feel justified in-assuring the house, that the conduct of the government of Ireland since the insurrection, meets with my entire approbation. Their firmness and humanity; their activity and attention, entitles them to the utmost praise. They have in a great measure pursued hat line of policy, which the wise aud just would always recommend to be observed towards Ireland. Their temper and lenity have tended to cultivate the good opinion of the people; which was precisely the course, which, at the close of the last session of parliament, I had entreated should be adopted; an exhortation by the bye, which seemed to have been much misconceived; and for offering which, I became the subject of severe and uninerited censures, from particular quarters: several paragraphs (I should be ashamed to suppose from authorit;) were inserted in some of the Dublin papers, and also in those of this city, tending to decry the individual who had attempted to call the attention of parliament to the affairs of Ireland. I was quite unconscious, on that occasion, of having given any provocation to the friends of the noble earl, at the head of the government of that country. Such was not my object; as it was, and is, matter of indifference to me, by whom the offices of state are filled, provided government be well administered: in the mode of that administration I am, so far as relates to Ireland, particularly interested. Connected to her by all the sacred ties which can bind an individual to his country, strengthened by a respect for the talents, a regard for the virtues, and a warm sympathy in the wishes of its inhabitants eager as I feel for their welfare, rejcicing in their prosperity, and participating in their afflictions, I cannot but sincerely lament the necessity which ministers feel themselves under, for again resorting to parliament, for the measures now proposed. But, that under the present circumstances of that unhappy country, it is advisable thus to strengthen the hands of the executive, I cannot entertain a doubt: and 1 feel the less reluctance in again entrusting the Irish government with these extraordinary powers, when I reflect upon the moderation and lenity with which they have hi

therto been exerted and having on a former occasion expressed my regret, that the conciliating conduct, and uniform attentions of Lord Hardwicke and his family to the people of Ireland, had not been met by that co-operation of legisiative exertion, which I for one had anxiously recommended, I cannot but lament, that this my avowed opinion, should have been either totally suppressed, or perverted.-I trust, I shall not, in the few observations I am about to make, subject myself to the imputation of wishing improperly to obtrude the discussion of the state of Ireland. Of misrepresentation alone do I feel the least apprehension: on a very late occasion, I had an opportunity of adverting to the situation of that country, I mean when the motion was under consideration for an address to his Majesty, but I abstained from any comment upon the speech from the throne, not wishing to disturb the unanimity, or damp the zeal which prevailed in the house; and because I felt, that at such a period, when attacked by the most inveterate enemy, and the most ambitious government, this country ever had to encounter, no man of loyalty, or of understanding, should hesitate to declare his resolution, unburthened by conditions and unalloyed by expressions of discontent, to support his Majesty in the prosecution of a war, in which, in my humble judgment, his empire is necessarily engaged. I was sincerely glad to hear from my Sovereign on the day to which I have alluded, that rebellion had been put down in Ireland, and that the public tranquillity had suffered no farther interruption; and I sincerely joined in the hope, that "such of his deluded subjects as had swerved from their allegiance, had been convinced of their error, and that upon a comparison of the advantages they derive under a free constitution, with the situation of those countries that have fallen under the yoke of the govern ment of France, they will not hesitate to co-operate with his Majesty, in zealously resisting every attack which may be made upon the security and independence of the united kingdom." Of this "fair return to loyalty," I could entertain little doubt, were they fully acquainted with the miseries accumulated, on the unfortunate nations who have been forced to wear the galling chains of the republican despot. But I may be suffered, I trust, to hope, that by that passage in his Majesty's speech, ministers do not mean to hold out an opinion, that because the situation of Ireland may be preferable to that of those countries, pillaged and enslaved by France, that, therefore, it does not require

any improvement. What, I would ask, canthe minister mean by this comparison ?--Is it that because Ireland is less oppressed, less persecuted, that, therefore, its inhabitants should be compleatly reconciled to the conduct of the British government, and thoroughly satisfied with their condition? Is it possible that it can be seriously designed, from a consideration of the difference in degrees of human misery, to decline entering into the investigation of the affairs of Ireland? If such be the purport of this insinuation, it cannot be too strongly condemned. Such a mode of reasoning could only be justified on the preposterous supposition, that nations should be happy and contented, as long as they see others more wretched than themselves; and it is something new in the history of this country, to derive an argument against any project for ameliorating the condition of its people, from a comparison with the state of other countries, and particularly with such as are subjected to arbitrary government. Would the Irish in 1782 when demanding in the bold tone of freedom, and the irresistible language of reason, the establishment of their rights, have tamely listened to any objection to their claims drawn from a reference to the com. parative depression and poverty of their situation but a few years before?-Would the haughty barons of England, who in the 13th century so nobly contended for that charter which forms the basis of British liberty, have consented to have withdrawn their pretensions, and abandoned their claims, had they been reminded, that their situation was still preferable to that of the barons of France, and of the other neighbouring states? No; they would have indignantly spurned at those, who should have presumed to influence them by such a consideration, and have redoubled their energies for the attainment of their objects. But, to refer to a more modern, and a still more glorious epoch of your history, would those illustrious characters of 1688, who accomplished the ever memorable revolution of that day, which at length clearly ascertained the rights, and irrevocably established the independence and happiness of this realm, would, I ask, an artifice so shallow, a comparison so insulting, have induced them to have been false to their country, to themselves, and to you? If the comparison to which I have alluded, be urged for the purpose of communicating to the people of Ireland, that they have no change in their condition to expect, I cannot refrain from declaring that I fear it will be productive of the worst consequences,